Pages

Monday, May 25, 2015

Health Care Reform Articles - May 25, 2015

Obama’s Game of Chicken with the Supreme Court

BY 


Sometime next month, the Supreme Court will decide King v. Burwell, and the conventional wisdom about the stakes in the case appears to have shifted. The case represents a challenge to the core of the Affordable Care Act. The plaintiffs charge that, based on a strict reading of single sentence (actually, four words), federal health-insurance subsidies should be available only in the sixteen states (and the District of Columbia) that set up their own health exchanges, or marketplaces. This means, they argue, that there should be no subsidies for people who now buy insurance on the federal exchange in the other thirty-four states. At the moment, about thirteen million people receive those subsidies.
The people with the most riding on the outcome, of course, are those thirteen million. Without subsidies, it’s likely that most of them will no longer be able to afford their insurance. Until recently, the perception has also been that the Democrats had the largest political stake in the case. After all, the A.C.A. is the signature achievement of the Democratic President. Suddenly, though, and paradoxically, it has come to seem that Obamacare’s Republican opponents are most at risk if the decision goes their way. They have the most to lose by winning. As Jonathan Chait wrote recently, “The chaos their lawsuit would unleash might blow back in a way few Republicans had considered until recently, and now, on the eve of a possible triumph, they find themselves scrambling to contain the damage.” In this view, the peril is especially great for Republicans, because, as Jonathan Cohn recently pointed out, the G.O.P. has failed to propose any kind of plan to address the loss of insurance for so many millions of people.
So that’s the theory: millions will suddenly be uninsured, and will blame Republicans. As Harry Reid, the Democratic leader in the Senate, put it recently, “I don’t think they will [win the case]. If they do, that’s a problem that the Republicans have.”
No, it’s not. If the Obama Administration loses in the Supreme Court, the political pain will fall almost exclusively on the President and his Party. To paraphrase Colin Powell and the Pottery Barn rule, President Obama will have broken health care, so he owns it. To the vast mass of Americans who follow politics casually or not at all, Obamacare and the American system of health care have become virtually synonymous. This may not be exactly right or fair, but it’s a reasonable perception on the part of most people. The scope of the Affordable Care Act is so vast, and its effects so pervasive, that there is scarcely a corner of health care, especially with regards to insurance, that is unaffected by it. So if millions lose insurance, they will hold it against Obamacare, and against Obama. Blaming the President in these circumstances may be unfair, but it’s the way American politics works.


Posted May 21, 2015, at 2:16 p.m.
Americans consistently spend more on prescription drugs than anyone else in the world. That spending reached new heights last year, jumping 13.1 percent to $373.9 billion. That works out to $995 per person, according to an April report by the IMS Institute for Healthcare Informatics, triple the amount Americans spent in 1995 when adjusted for inflation.
Maine residents, who spent more than $1.5 billion last year to fill prescriptions at pharmacies, lost their best short-term option earlier this winter for avoiding those stifling prescription drug costs. U.S. District Court Judge Nancy Torresen in February invalidated a 2013 state law that allowed licensed pharmacies in Canada, the U.K., Australia and New Zealand to dispense drugs to Maine residents.
Short of a federal solution to the U.S.’s prescription drug cost problem, this law was a logical and safe way to help Mainers save some money on needed treatments. But, Torresen determined, it flew in the face of federal law, which bars prescription drug imports from foreign pharmacies for personal use. (Attorney General Janet Mills declined to appeal Torresen’s ruling, citing the need for federal action.)
Rep. Chellie Pingree from Maine’s 1st District is proposing a partial solution, introducing legislation that would allow Americans to order drugs from licensed Canadian pharmacies. Sen. John McCain, R-Arizona, is sponsoring identical legislation in the Senate — Maine Sen. Susan Collins is a co-sponsor.
Specifically, the Pingree-McCain legislation would require the federal government to develop the rules necessary to make it happen within six months of the bill passing. That’s because the federal government has had the authority to allow prescription drug imports from Canada since 2003 and hasn’t acted on it without the force of a deadline in the law.
The prohibition on personal prescription drug imports is nonsensical. It’s about time Congress eliminated it. Drugs from licensed Canadian pharmacies are no less safe than drugs purchased from American pharmacies, and there’s no reason to deprive Americans of a simple way to lower their prescription drug costs.
But allowing imports from Canada is just the start of changing a system that keeps Americans paying unnecessarily higher prescription drug prices than everybody else. Americans pay nearly $1,000 per capita on prescription drugs, but Canadians — who pay the second most per capita — spend about 40 percent less. For name-brand drugs, the prices paid by Americans generally are at least double the prices one would find in the U.K. or Australia.
Part of the reason is that the U.S. imposes no price controls on prescription drugs, unlike every other nation in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. Plus, Americans often have some of the earliest access to new, name-brand drugs — many of which simply are modifications of existing drugs that aren’t substantially better — soon after FDA approval, raising U.S. spending on prescription drugs when they are most expensive. Further, the U.S. doesn’t allow one of its largest prescription drug purchasers, Medicare, the ability to leverage its enormous buying power into lower prices. Private insurers can negotiate lower prices, as well as the Department of Veterans Affairs, but this leaves the negotiating to a fragmented market of many, relatively small payers.
Many have argued lower drug prices in the U.S. could translate into substantially less capital available for the research and development involved with bringing new drugs to market. But this argument ignores the fact that the vast majority of the research that leads to meaningfully different drugs — new molecular entities — is done in academic centers and sometimes in nonprofit and government research labs. A 2001 study in the journal Health Affairs found that just 15 percent of the research cited in drug patent applications to the FDA was done by industry. Further, a 2012 study in journal BMJ found pharmaceutical companies spent just 1.3 percent of their revenues on research into new molecular entities while spending at least a quarter on marketing.
If Americans’ exorbitantly higher prescription drug prices were needed to fund important medical breakthroughs, that would be one thing. But that’s not what the higher prices are paying for, meaning a key reason against allowing Medicare to negotiate better drug prices for its members, much less allowing Americans to purchase cheaper drugs from Canadian pharmacies, simply doesn’t stand up.


Awash in Paperwork, Maine Doctors Abandon Conventional Treatment Model 

  MAY 20, 2015
FALMOUTH, Maine - Many primary care doctors commit to the profession because of their passion for caring for patients. But the reality of the job often requires doctors to pack each day with patient appointments. As time with patients shrinks and administrative tasks swell, the quality of care can suffer.
Out of frustration, some Maine doctors have decided to abandon the conventional treatment model for something called direct primary care.
Last July, Catherine Krouse was just about done with her career choice. Fresh out of medical school and her residency in family medicine, she didn't feel eager for her future. She felt jaded.
"I knew for myself that signing a contract with a conventional model would be the end of me, that I wouldn't go back," she says. "I'd probably quit medicine."
Quit, because Krouse says the way health care has evolved, patients often come second to the other demands on doctors:  Filling out reimbursement forms. Calling insurance companies to battle for claims. Reviewing and signing off on stacks of patient paperwork.
"You just end up getting drained and drained and drained," Krouse says. "And then when your cup is completely empty, then you just get guarded and angry. And then you put up walls, and that really creates barriers."
So Krouse decided to set up a direct primary care practice. Earlier this month she opened Lotus Family Practice in Falmouth. She doesn't accept insurance. Instead, she charges patients a monthly membership fee. "So it's very direct. It's just patients and doctors. There's no one else in between."
Membership is $60 a month for adults, $20 for kids. It covers an unlimited number of visits, which last about 45 minutes. Patients can also call or text Krouse any time they want. She also provides generic drugs at wholesale cost. Those savings alone, she says, can cover the cost of membership. "Pennies. They cost pennies."
So, is direct primary care too good to be true?


Obesity epidemic is another reason for single payer

By James Binder, M.D.
The Charleston (W.Va.) Gazette, May 21, 2015
Our country would be better able to help its citizens prevent and manage chronic illnesses if we adopted a single-payer system. Our current primary care structure is designed to treat acute illnesses. Primary care providers do not have adequate time or the training to effectively treat the increasing burden of chronic conditions in our society, conditions such as obesity, diabetes mellitus, substance use disorders, depression.
Obesity will soon be our number one health problem. One-third of adults are obese.
Twenty percent of children 2 to 5 years of age are overweight or obese. Besides being associated with a number of serious medical conditions, such as heart disease and diabetes mellitus, obesity is associated with emotional/mental consequences (discouragement, depression) and social discrimination. Our national security is at risk with 30 percent of young Americans too heavy to meet the requirements for joining the Armed Services.
There are conscientious efforts to prevent and combat obesity being made right now in our communities and schools. However, these are often uncoordinated and unsustainable, not helping our children make lasting changes. A strong, multi-modal, evidence-based approach is needed.
Our current fragmented private insurance infrastructure has not and is not capable of supporting an effective response. Private insurance companies have one priority — to make a profit, not to improve the collective health of our nation.
The world-renowned Institute of Medicine published a blueprint to resolve the obesity epidemic (Progress in Childhood Obesity: How Do We Measure Up, 2006). An effective national response for preventing and treating childhood obesity would have three components:
  • Strong leadership and coordination.
  • Evaluation of approaches.
  • Monitoring progress of specific interventions and making adjustments when necessary.
A single-payer system would provide the infrastructure needed to implement each of these three components. Emphasis would shift from the micromanagement of each decision made by a clinician to the macromanagement of resources.
Micromanagement increases paperwork and expenses, discourages clinicians and patients alike, and is often ill-considered.
I treat a number of children with obesity as a pediatrician in a rural medical clinic. I recently referred a child with a BMI greater than 99 percent to a comprehensive Healthy Kids clinic in Charleston.
This child had failed stage I and II obesity treatments. Despite meeting the specific recommendations of the American Academy of Pediatrics for specialty referral, the family’s private insurance company refused to cover the treatment. The child had not yet developed an associated medical condition (e.g. diabetes mellitus).
This type of micromanagement would be unnecessary in a single-payer system because the emphasis would be on the collective health of the community, not the cost of one referral. It is so important that we return to a model based on caring professional judgment.
Even more importantly, we need to develop and implement programs that really work.
We know that it takes time to help families with such complex issues as weight control. The standard 15-minute clinic visits are not enough time to counsel families on complex issues, especially when there are other problems to discuss and five to seven minutes of that visit is spent on the computer, much of it devoted to meeting insurance company billing demands.
We know families must be involved in the solution since children learn good nutrition and healthy habits in the context of their immediate families. And, we know it takes coordination between communities, schools, industry, medical clinics, and the government to develop and sustain effective interventions.
A single-payer system would allow us to incorporate all these elements into treatment planning since its main goal is the collective health of the community.
Of course, the best strategy is to prevent the problem in the first place. Private insurers attach funding to individual patients. Broader societal goals are not funded. Less than 3 percent of health spending currently goes for prevention. We can do better than that.
A single -payer system would provide the framework to solve the problem and allow us to change our children’s environment. It would not solve the problem for us. We would still have to do that. However, we have the expertise and health professionals needed to accomplish that. We just need the framework. It is another reason many physicians support single payer.

Guiding Wealthy Retirees on Health Expenses

No comments:

Post a Comment