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Thursday, November 30, 2017

Health Care Reform Articles - November 30, 2017

When a Tax Cut Costs Millions Their Medical Coverage

by The Editorial Board - NYT - November 24, 2017

Though their ham-fisted attempts to repeal the Affordable Care Act failed in September, Republican lawmakers and the Trump administration won’t give up on efforts that would take away health care from millions of people. They’re now out to do it through the equally sloppy and cruel tax bills barreling through Congress.
The Senate could vote as soon as next week on a bill that, according to one government estimate, would increase the number of people who don’t have health insurance by 13 million and cause insurance companies to raise premiums substantially. The House passed a tax-cut bill last week that would eliminate the medical expense deduction, which is used by nearly nine million people with medical problems so severe they spend more than 10 percent of their income on health care. Further, because of the amount of revenue both bills would vaporize, they would also prompt automatic spending cuts to Medicare and other government programs that low-income and middle-class Americans rely on.
Why have Republican leaders set their sights on health care again? They have a serious accounting problem on their hands. Congressional leaders and the Trump administration want to give corporations and wealthy families a giant tax cut, but they have committed to not adding more than (a whopping) $1.5 trillion to the federal deficit over the next decade. So they’re trying to increase revenue by raising taxes on many middle-class families and would compound that harm by cutting spending on things like health care, all in service of further enriching the wealthiest Americans through a plan they’re selling as a break for the middle class. We’d say you can’t make this stuff up, but it turns out they can.
Let’s start with the Senate bill. It would eliminate the Affordable Care Act’s requirement that people have health insurance or pay a penalty. Republicans assert that doing this would free people from an onerous government mandate. What they don’t say is that without the mandate, some younger and healthier people would not sign up for coverage, so insurers would raise premiums knowing that their remaining customers would be more likely to have health problems. Those price increases would make coverage unaffordable to many middle-class families. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that 13 million Americans would lose coverage — although it could lower that estimate — and, based on the current projection, the government would save about $338 billion over 10 years because it would spend less on insurance subsidies and Medicaid.
Since many of those newly uninsured people would still get sick and injured, they would receive care at emergency rooms and public hospitals, with the federal, state and local governments bearing that cost. As Mitt Romney pointed out when he was running for president, “It is fundamentally a conservative principle to insist that people take personal responsibility as opposed to turning to government for giving out free care.”
The House bill would not repeal the individual mandate, but it would cause other problems. By getting rid of the medical expense deduction it would penalize people who need nursing home care, expensive specialty drugs and other health services. About 6 percent of taxpayers earning between $20,000 and $50,000 claimed an average medical deduction of $8,121 in 2014, according to the Congressional Research Service. Nearly half of the people who claimed that deduction in 2015 earned less than $50,000 and slightly more than half were 65 or older, according to AARP.
The other big threat to health care comes from a 2010 law that requires spending cuts when Congress passes laws that increase the deficit. These tax bills would require a $25 billion cut to Medicare and many billions more to other programs, according to the C.B.O.
The bigger threat to Medicare, Medicaid and other health care programs could come when Congress decides to slash spending to make up for the ballooning deficit the tax cuts cause. The House speaker, Paul Ryan, is already raising that threat. No lawmaker who cares about the health of low-income and middle-class families ought to fall for this awful charade.

Where Brexit Hurts: The Nurses and Doctors Leaving London

by Katrin Bennhold - NYT - November 21, 2017

LONDON — Tanja Pardela is leaving London. Her last day is Nov. 26. She wells up talking about it. She will miss jacket potatoes, and Sunday roasts, and her morning commute — past playing fields, small children in school uniforms and a red telephone box — to the hospital where she has been a pediatric nurse for 11 years.
Ms. Pardela does not want to leave the country she came to over a decade ago. But that country no longer exists. On June 24 last year, she said, “We all woke up in a different country.”
Seventeen months after Britain voted to leave the European Union, many Europeans are voting to leave Britain — with their feet. Some 122,000 of them packed their bags in the year through March, according to the latest figures available, while the stream of new arrivals has slowed.
In London, a city long sustained by European bankers, builders and baristas — “a place that makes you dream,” Ms. Pardela said — the departures are beginning to hurt. Construction companies and coffee shops are struggling to recruit. Top universities worry about retaining talent. And nowhere are the concerns more elemental than in Britain’s treasured and already overstretched National Health Service.
Long before Brexit, the N.H.S. suffered from chronic staffing shortages, and today the country has 40,000 nursing vacancies. But recruiting nurses from the European Union had helped plug the gap — especially in London, where the share of nurses from the Continent is about 14 percent, or twice the national average. King’s College Hospital, the massive institution where Ms. Pardela works, is short of 528 nurses and midwives, and 318 doctors.
Brexit seems certain to make it harder and costlier to recruit from the Continent, assuming that people will still want to come from there. Even the legal status of European Union citizens already living in Britain remains unclear, entangled in the stalled Brexit talks between Brussels and London. Many fear they could lose rights, job security, pensions and access to free health care.
This uncertainty is one reason that some European health care professionals are either leaving, or thinking about leaving. In the year following the referendum, almost 10,000 quit the N.H.S. The number of nurses from other European Union countries registering to practice in Britain has dropped by almost 90 percent.
As yet, there is no mass exodus back to the Continent — the number of European Union staff in the health service even grew slightly in the year after the referendum. But the trends are unmistakable: The number of Europeans leaving the system is rising, and the number joining it is falling.
“With London in the grip of its worst ever staffing crisis, nurses are being pushed to breaking point on understaffed wards,” said Tom Colclough, regional spokesman for the Royal College of Nursing in London. “If those E.U. colleagues who have not yet left are not given an unequivocal right to remain, the very safety of the capital’s care settings will be under threat.”
The N.H.S., with its philosophy of free universal health care, is a pillar of postwar British identity, once described by a former minister as the closest thing the English had to a national religion. When London hosted the 2012 Olympics, a highlight of the opening ceremony was a dance performanceby real nurses whose bodies eventually coalesced into three giant letters: N.H.S.
During the Brexit campaign, an argument about the N.H.S. helped tip a tight vote. Brexit advocates said leaving the European Union would allow the government to repatriate 350 million pounds a week from Brussels — about $463 million at current exchange rates — and spend it on health care. It was a powerful promise, plastered in bold across the side of a campaign bus — but it was false: Britain pays only about £166 million a week net into the European budget and there was little chance that even a lesser amount would go solely to the N.H.S.
“It was clearly the most effective argument not only with the crucial swing fifth but with almost every demographic,” the chief strategist of Vote Leave, Dominic Cummings, wrote in The Spectator earlier this year. “Would we have won without immigration? No. Would we have won without £350m/NHS? All our research and the close result strongly suggests No.”
Founded in 1840, King’s treated shell shock victims during World War I and victims of German air raids during World War II. More recently, survivors of London’s terror attacks and the Grenfell Tower fire were treated here.
The hospital is a complex of two dozen buildings in southeast London with Europe coursing through its circulatory system. Dutch workers built the state-of-the-art helipad on the roof. Eastern Europeans are helping to build a new intensive care wing and serving cappuccino as baristas in the four coffee shops. Of the 9,300 clinical staff, one in seven holds a non-British European passport.
Brexit is forcing a stark reassessment in every department. In the emergency room, Cyril Noël, a French doctor, is wrestling with how a country he loved rejected him. He describes the grieving process as the Five Stages of Brexit. In critical care, Georg Auzinger, an Austrian physician, has built a world-class facility but now worries about finding enough doctors and nurses.
Many worry that a health service they cherish may be existentially at risk. During a recent Sunday service in the hospital chapel, the priest said a prayer to guard against the “effects of Brexit.”
“The N.H.S. is in Britain’s DNA,” said Shelley Dolan, chief nurse and executive director of midwifery at King’s. “Europe is in the DNA of the N.H.S.”

The Five Stages of Brexit

When Dr. Noël, the French emergency doctor, started his shift early one recent afternoon, the department was already two dozen beds short. He surveyed the scene: seven stroke patients, two casualties from traffic accidents and a couple of stabbing victims. An elderly lady had been run over by her own car after forgetting to put on the hand brake. A toddler had swallowed a fridge magnet. A man had almost died after being punched in the face.
And the emergency room was four nurses down.
“Just a regular Friday,” said Dr. Noël, 45, as someone behind him mopped up the blood stains in Bay 4.
Working with Dr. Noël that Friday night were a Czech doctor and nurses from Ireland, Poland, Spain and Portugal. Several had spent their summer vacations scouting job opportunities in their home countries. “Everyone is nervous,” said Alexandra Cunderlikova, a senior nurse from Slovakia.
Ms. Cunderlikova came to Britain in 2003, a year before her country joined the European Union. She remembers lining up outside the Home Office at 4 a.m. for her work visa.
“I wonder,” she said. “Will it go back to that?”
There are still more Europeans migrating into Britain than leaving. But, as in the N.H.S., arrivals are slowing and departures accelerating, said Madeleine Sumption, director of the Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, especially among Eastern Europeans like Ms. Cunderlikova.
The day before the Brexit referendum, feeling anxious and powerless because he was not allowed to vote, Dr. Noël did something he had never done before: He placed a bet.
Dr. Noël wagered £200 on Brexit. “That way, I thought, if it actually happens, at least there is one positive thing in it,” he said. To his dismay, he won. The £1,500 he made would roughly cover the fee for a British passport. But Dr. Noël is in no mood to become British — at least not now.
“I feel very strongly European,” he said.
He grew up as an Anglophile in the Jura region of France, near the German border, in a family badly scarred by two world wars. When he was 5, he paraded across the local market, pretending to speak English. At 30, he fell in love with a British student who had come to France on the Erasmus program, the European Union’s university exchange scheme. Twelve years ago, they moved to Britain and Dr. Noël instantly felt “at home.”
But now, when he works outside London in places where people voted for Brexit, resentment rises in his throat.
“I’ve had very torn feelings about helping people who expressed the wish to get rid of us,” Dr. Noël said.
“Psychologically Brexit has had a huge impact,” he said. “You feel rejected as a group.”
He talks about the “five stages of Brexit.”
First there was shock, he said. Then there was denial. (“Don’t worry,” he would tell the young nurses from Portugal and Spain in his department who fretted in the months after the vote. “Nothing is going to change.”) Eventually, Dr. Noël reached the anger stage, following a cascade of nasty news reports: about a government request for companies to compile lists of foreign nationals (later retracted); about a man being stabbed for speaking Polish; about a Finnish professor who, along with scores of other Europeans, was served a deportation notice.
The notice was a bureaucratic mistake. “But after Brexit, such mistakes are not easily forgotten,” Dr. Noël said.
If the N.H.S. has consistently managed to produce health outcomes comparable to countries with vastly more resources — like France, which has a similar population but more than twice the number of hospital beds — it is in large part because of the people, said Dr. Noël, who has worked in both systems.
“The N.H.S. is an incredibly resilient system,” he said. “People are so dedicated. When the system is squeezed, they work even harder.”
But Brexit has made many European employees reconsider. If anger was the third stage of Brexit, and depression was the fourth, Dr. Noël said he had now reached the final stage, acceptance.
For him, that means leaving Britain early next year. He has a new job at a hospital in Dubai.

Replacing One Immigrant Group With Another

Up two floors from the emergency room, down a warren of hallways and through a pair of locked wing doors is the liver intensive care unit.
Dr. Georg Auzinger, the clinical head of critical care, was checking on two patients who were recovering from emergency liver transplants on extracorporeal membrane oxygenation, a pioneering bypass technology. Their blood, liters of it, was being drained from their bodies, oxygenized in an external pump and then reintroduced. Anywhere else in the world they would have been kicked off the transplant list and have died.
The liver department at King’s is world famous. It is also very European. “The English are in the minority,” Dr. Auzinger said.
Dr. Auzinger, a lanky 51-year-old from Salzburg, Austria, has a clipped accent and speaks in Briticisms (“I was gobsmacked,” he says of the Brexit result). The liver department’s clinical director is Irish. Its academic director is Spanish. The hospital recently tried to hire a German as academic head of department, but he declined: He had been awarded a high-value European grant that he could not take to Britain after Brexit.
This worries Dr. Auzinger, who has to hire 407 nurses and doctors for the hospital’s new intensive care wing. Last month, not a single European applied for an advertised position as a senior consultant. “Before, at least a third of applicants were European,” he said.
Dr. Auzinger is happy to hire qualified Britons. “But there are not enough doctors and nurses in this country,” he said. “The numbers being trained do not cover the needs.”
In March, the government announced a plan to hurriedly train more British nurses. Yet in September, enrollment at nursing schools dropped, because the government also cut grants to nursing students. That is one reason Peter Absalom, associate director for recruitment at King’s, is now trying to replace one immigrant group with another. “We are looking to the Philippines, Australia and India,” he said. Three major recruitment drives are planned over the next 12 months.
Every time Mr. Absalom hires someone from overseas he has to pay for their visas and a collection of other charges, which add up to more than £4,000 per person over three years. It can take a year before the nurses start work. Europeans could be hired with no visa costs and no extra paperwork. Over the last five years, nurses from Portugal, Spain, Ireland and other European Union countries have accounted for about a third of the total intake.
Now King’s has stopped its hiring campaigns in the European Union.
“What is particularly difficult is that we cannot give candidates any certainty on their future status,” Mr. Absalom said.
Dr. Auzinger has been in London for 18 years. He, too, would consider going back to Austria if he could transplant his job there, but he cannot. He thinks the way Brexit is affecting the N.H.S. is symptomatic of a poor treatment plan. Britain is ailing. People are angry. Brexit was the treatment offered to them. What worries Dr. Auzinger is the lack of a diagnosis.
“If you think Brexit is the medicine, my concern is that you’re treating something blindly,” he said. “If you don’t have a diagnosis, you cannot treat the patient properly.”

‘Why Am I Still Doing This Here?’

Ms. Pardela, the pediatric nurse, still needs to stop by the post office so that her mail can be forwarded to Germany. She is keeping her British bank account open because she hopes that one day the pound will rise again. It has lost as much as 20 percent of its value against the euro since the referendum. So have her savings.
After the Brexit vote, a British colleague urged Ms. Pardela to apply for citizenship. Her skills were needed. No way, she answered. “I respect the vote,” she had said. “But I’m not going to bend to it.”
Last September, she called an old friend from nursing school and asked about job opportunities back in Germany.
“Brexit was a trigger,” said Ms. Pardela. “It makes you reassess your life. You find yourself thinking: ‘I’m working really hard. I haven’t had a pay raise in four years. Now they’re telling me they don’t want immigrants? Why am I still doing this here?’ ”
“And then you think: ‘I’m 45. I better move now. It will be harder when I’m 55.’ ”
In her small apartment, now filled with moving boxes, Ms. Pardela was packing photos of Big Ben and the London Eye, as well as a series of trashy romance novels that helped her learn English. Still on the fridge was a magnet featuring Florence Nightingale, the mother of modern nursing in Britain: an Englishwoman who was born in Italy and trained in Germany.
One reason Ms. Pardela thinks the N.H.S. is one of the best health care systems in the world is that it empowers nurses. “The range of opportunities and responsibilities is much greater here,” she said. In Germany, many of the things she has been doing — assessing blood results, adjusting treatment plans for transplant patients — would be handled by a doctor.
On Ms. Pardela’s ward, a third of the doctors are European. Twice a year they hold an International Food Day where everyone contributes dishes from their country. This year, Ms. Pardela brought sausage and sauerkraut. A Greek colleague made tzatziki. An Italian cooked spaghetti.
When the latest bout of cost savings required the department to cut one nurse from every shift, Ms. Pardela fought hard to win the role back. It took a year. In the end, she was successful.
“The irony,” she said, “is that now we can’t find anyone to fill it.”
The position has been empty since September.
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/11/21/world/europe/nhs-brexit-eu-migrants.html?

Access, Quality and Cost in the Era of Consumerism

California Medical Association
8th Annual Leadership Academy
Acceleration: Access, Quality and Cost in the Era of Consumerism.
La Quinta, California
November 18-21, 2004
Keynote Presentation
Can a "Consumer-Driven" Health Care System Succeed?
Uwe E. Reinhardt, Ph.D., Professor of Political Economy, Princeton University:
"What should be the goal of a health system? It should improve health status. It should protect families from financial ruin over illness. It should leave people satisfied with the care they got. But it should also make them feel good about a sense of fairness in their society, as Canadians fiercely feel proud of the sense of fairness in their system, whatever problems they have. And the Germans and the Swiss are fiercely proud of the social contract of solidarity.
"Intermediate goals are access to timely care, that feeds into health status and that. See, these are not goals, they're just instruments to reach these goals: efficiency and fairness, fairness in financing health care...
"We don't talk enough about financial protection, about people who have cancer also going broke, and the insult and hurt that that represents. 
But, you know, 'It wasn't my fault that I got cancer, now I have to sell my house.' That's an insulting thing for a Canadian and German like me to think about. And it happens. Many, many American families go broke over health care.
"We don't ever talk enough about fairness and equity, not at all about the social ethic. We talk about the Judeo-Christian ethic as if it were something else. It should really be ours, and, incidentally, there is a confusion in all kinds of other ethics. But they all ask for the same.
"In the present instance, I think we should ask how these goals are affected relative to the status quo and relative to alternative policy options that we might consider, like traditional, comprehensive coverage with managed care, single payer system, and so on. And I think we need to have some debate; which of these approaches actually gets us closer to those goals...
"A major problem in the U.S. is we never discuss ethics; that's somehow a taboo topic, because here we get ideological and then we get political. And I say, 'Bullshine.'That is at the core of health care. That is the foundation that should surround health care, because that's how physicians,among others, are trained.
"So, to me, we can't really judge whether this will succeed. Some people will say, 'It succeeds.' It's like beauty and honor, the evaluation of consumer-directed health care will be driven much more by ideology than by data. And that's where we are right now. And I wish it were more driven by two things: data, to tell us what this thing really does, and, secondly, what would we like to be like as a people.
"Do we want to be the kind of people that treats soldiers the way we do ($8000/year pension after losing a limb)? Do we want to be the kind of people that leaves a mother, who raises three children for America, sitting there without health insurance or (with only) the policy that she can find on eHealthInsurance.com (leaving her with $20,000 out of pocket on $26,000/year income)? Is that what we're about as a people? I'm just an immigrant here. I can't tell you. This is your problem, not mine. I'm well to do; I buy out of this. But I urge you to reflect on those aspects of it before we get into the technique.
"We can do this. When you tell me the ethics; we can implement it, or the people who spoke yesterday (see comment). We know how to do this. But ethics first. And I think we put ethics last."
For tape or CD recordings of the Leadership Academy:
http://www.audio-digest.org/cgi-bin/htmlos/01203.1.1018082396615917308/cma
Comment: The first day of the plenary sessions began with speakers well known to those of us who have studied consumer-driven health care (CDHC). John Goodman of the National Center for Policy Analysis and Grace-Marie Turner and Greg Scandlen of The Galen Institute explained consumer-driven health care, especially health savings accounts and high-deductible health coverage. They did not present any new information on CDHC.
The plenary sessions closed with Uwe Reinhardt's presentation. Mentioned here are only a few of his many important points. He questioned whether patients could be empowered decision makers since current information systems are too primitive to allow individuals to make truly informed decisions about their health care. He provided considerable data to demonstrate that current high-deductible policies leave low income individuals exposed to the potential of insurmountable medical debt. He demonstrated how health savings accounts reward higher income individuals with progressive tax benefits to the detriment of lower income individuals. He showed that those in the lower one-third of income levels will bear
the financial brunt of the CDHC model. Then he ended his presentation with the message transcribed above.
The majority of those attending represented the leadership of medical associations and health care providers. I would describe their response to the presentations on CDHC as mixed, at best. Yes, some passionate supporters were in the audience.
But there is great news. With this audience of physician leaders, Uwe Reinhardt was the only speaker to receive a standing ovation!
There is hope for the future of our health care system.

States prepare to shut down children’s health programs if Congress doesn’t act
by Colby Itkowitz and Sandhaya Somashekhar -  The Washington Post - November 23, 2017

Officials in nearly a dozen states are preparing to notify families that a crucial health insurance program for low-income children is running out of money for the first time since its creation two decades ago, putting coverage for many at risk by the end of the year.
Congress missed a Sept. 30 deadline to extend funding for CHIP, as the Children’s Health Insurance Program is known. Nearly 9 million youngsters and 370,000 pregnant women nationwide receive care because of it.
Many states have enough money to keep their individual programs afloat for at least a few months, but five could run out in late December if lawmakers do not act. Others will start to exhaust resources the following month.
The looming crunch, which comes despite CHIP’s enduring popularity and bipartisan support on Capitol Hill, has dismayed children’s health advocates.
“We are very concerned, and the reason is that Congress hasn’t shown a strong ability to get stuff done,” said Bruce Lesley, president of Washington-based First Focus, a child and family advocacy organization. “And the administration is completely out, has not even uttered a syllable on the issue. How this gets resolved is really unclear, and states are beginning to hit deadlines.”

Others paying close attention to the issue remain hopeful that Congress will extend funding before January, but states say they cannot rest on hope.
“Everybody is still waiting and thinking Congress is going to act, and they probably will, but you can’t run a health-care program that way,” said Linda Nablo, chief deputy director at Virginia’s Department of Medical Assistance Services. “You can’t say ‘probably’ everything is going to be all right.”
Most CHIP families, who earn too much for Medicaid but too little to afford private insurance, are not aware lawmakers’ inaction is endangering coverage. They’re about to find out, though. Virginia and several other states are preparing letters to go out as early as Monday warning families their children’s insurance may be taken away.
The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), which administers the program at the federal level, issued a notice to state health officials on Nov. 9 detailing their options if CHIP funding does run dry. States forced to end the program will need to determine whether enrolled children are eligible for Medicaid or whether their family will need to seek insurance through an Affordable Care Act marketplace, the guidance said.

Longtime physician William Rees remembers the years before CHIP’s safety net, when families without coverage would put off bringing a sick child to the doctor until symptoms were so severe they would end up in a hospital emergency room.
“Pediatrics is mostly preventive medicine, it’s so important what we do,” said Rees, who has practiced in Northern Virginia since 1975. “It’s about trying to keep up with routine visits. If [children] don’t have insurance, that often doesn’t happen, so CHIP keeps them in the system and they get their vaccines when they’re due.”
The program, which is credited with helping to bring the rate of uninsured children to a record low of 4.5 percent, has been reauthorized several times over the years. And under the ACA, the federal government sharply boosted its match rate. It now provides 88 percent or more of every state’s CHIP costs.
Congress has been unable to agree on how to pay for the $15 billion program moving forward, however. President Trump’s 2018 budget proposed to cut billions from CHIP over two years and limit eligibility for federal matching funds.
The uncertainty has states scrambling. Arizona, California, Minnesota, Ohio, Oregon and the District of Columbia will run out of CHIP money by Dec. 31 or early January, according to Georgetown University’s Center on Children and Families. At least six more plan to take some sort of action to address the potential funding loss, including notifying parents their children are at risk of losing coverage.

Some states operate CHIP as an independent program and would have to shut theirs down if federal dollars dry up. In Virginia, resources are expected to be exhausted by late January. Nablo said she has no choice but to send notices Dec. 1 to the families of the 66,000 children and 1,100 pregnant women in the state who are covered.
“We don’t want to act too fast if Congress is going to restore this, but we also want to give families enough time,” she said. “We have kids in the middle of cancer treatment, pregnant women in the middle of prenatal care.”
Texas plans to notify families in January that the program could end. Funding problems there were exacerbated by Hurricane Harvey because the state asked the federal government that it be allowed to waive co-pays and enrollment fees for CHIP children in counties declared disaster areas. With less money coming in, funds could be exhausted even sooner than the state first projected, according to Christine Mann, spokeswoman for the Texas Health and Human Services Commission.

In West Virginia, where CHIP funds are expected to run out in March, officials overseeing the program voted this month to shut it down Feb. 28 if Congress hasn’t acted.
Other states, including Maryland, developed their CHIP program as an extension of Medicaid and so are required by law to find a way to keep it going. The same applies to the District, which will need to come up with as much as $12.5 million in local funds to cover the approximately 14,000 children enrolled, the D.C. Department of Health Care Finance said. The agency will begin looking next month at where money can be diverted.
“It’s pretty chaotic out there,” said Joan Alker, executive director at the Georgetown center. “What really troubles me about it is [CHIP] is successful. Everyone should feel good about it. There’s no reason for this to be lagging on like this. This should be an easy win for Congress.”
CHIP has become a political issue in the gubernatorial race in Maryland, where funding would run out in March. Gov. Larry Hogan (R) has pressed for Congress to pass a reauthorization. A potential Democratic opponent, Ben Jealous, has criticized him for not having a backup plan to protect the 140,000 children who would be left uninsured.
In Washington, lawmakers in both parties agree on the program’s merits but are at an impasse over how to pay for it. The House passed a bill this month along largely party lines to extend CHIP funding for five years in part by cutting an ACA prevention fund and raising Medicare rates for wealthier seniors.
That measure is unlikely to be taken up by the other chamber. Senators, led by Finance Committee Chairman Orrin G. Hatch (R-Utah), are working to find a bipartisan solution. Hatch was one of the authors of the original CHIP legislation in 1997. The other was Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.), who died in 2009.
“I am working with my colleagues to advance this bill in a fiscally responsible manner so we can ensure coverage is maintained,” Hatch said in a recent statement. Yet during a heated exchange last week in a committee meeting on the GOP tax overhaul, he voiced little urgency.
Back up your concern for the poor by starting with an extension for CHIP, Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio) told Hatch.
Hatch responded angrily, “I’m not starting with CHIP.”
Andy Slavitt, who was acting CMS administrator under President Barack Obama, can’t believe there is anything to debate. That Congress would hold up popular legislation that has never before been subject to politics speaks to the “very fragmented culture of lawmaking,” he said.
“It’s a core program that many low-income families rely on. It’s widely acclaimed to be a success,” he said. “We’re operating in a mode that we don’t do anything until it’s an absolute crisis, and we’re creating more crises that don’t need to happen.”
When Congress failed to extend funding in late September, CMS was able to provide several states and U.S. territories with emergency money to keep their programs going a bit longer. The agency has used about $542 million in leftover funds from previous years, but it has limited resources to assist much longer.
Marbell Castillo, who often takes her granddaughter Maia to her doctor appointments, worries about future health coverage for the little girl if CHIP is not funded. (Matt McClain/The Washington Post)
As families hear that their children could lose health insurance, they’re shaken. Marbell Castillo learned about the possibility during a recent checkup with her granddaughter Maia Powell at Burke Pediatrics in Fairfax County, Va.
The appointment, in an exam room decorated with “Toy Story” and “Finding Nemo” decals, covered the gamut. A nurse practitioner asked about what the 16-month-old was eating and when she slept. Maia got her height, weight and temperature taken. She also got her chubby thighs stuck once, twice, three times with vaccinations for diphtheria and other illnesses.
Castillo walked out with Maia balanced on one hip and worries on her mind. She often takes the little girl to appointments so her 23-year-old daughter, who works two jobs, doesn’t have to take off.
Without CHIP, Castillo wondered, what would they do for affordable health insurance for Maia?
“They can’t leave people without this program,” she said.


Analyses: Repealing Individual Mandate Would Leave 50,000 More Mainers Uninsured

by Patty Wight - Maine Public - November 17, 2017

nalyses: Repealing Individual Mandate Would Leave 50,000 More Mainers Uninsured
About 50,000 Mainers would lose health insurance under the proposed Senate Republican tax bill, according to progressive-leaning state and national policy organizations. They say the tax bill’s provision to eliminate the Affordable Care Act’s individual mandate tugs at a thread that would significantly unravel the federal health law.
Both the Maine Center for Economic Policy and the Washington, D.C.-based Center for American Progress crunched the numbers from a Congressional Budget Office analysis to get state-specific data on the effect of repealing the individual mandate. They arrived at the same conclusion.
“Even a small state like Maine would have 50,000 more uninsured residents by 2025,” says Emily Gee, an economist at the Center for American Progress. The Maine Center for Economic Policy projected the same number of uninsured by 2027.
Analyst James Myall says that assumes Maine will expand Medicaid. If the state doesn’t, the number of uninsured will be even higher. Those hardest hit, he says, are middle class Mainers who don’t qualify for subsidies on the ACA marketplace or only qualify for small subsidies.
“The worst-hit folks are people who live in rural parts of the state, in western Maine or The County, or Down East, because that’s where premiums are already high,” he says.
If the individual mandate is repealed, Myall says younger, healthier people will likely opt out of buying health insurance. That will leave older, sicker consumers in the marketplace. To cover the cost of their care, insurance companies will likely raise premiums.
The Center for American Progress estimates the average marketplace premium for a family in Maine will increase about $2,300. Steve Butterfield of Consumers for Affordable Health Care says that will wipe out any benefit the tax bill might provide middle class families.
“That is not a path to any kind of solution except causing chaos,” he says.
Myall says plucking out the individual mandate from the ACA may seem like an easy way to reduce costs to help fund the tax bill. But he says unraveling the mandate will bring hidden costs. Hospitals will see a rise in uncompensated care, and sicker employees will find it difficult to work.
“What it really means is undermining the whole system and making the insurance market and ultimately public health in Maine worse for everyone,” he says.
Republican U.S. Sen. Susan Collins of Maine expressed concern earlier this weekthat repealing the individual mandate would increase premiums, though she has not announced whether she’ll vote for or against the tax bill.

As Walmart Buys Online Retailers, Their Health Benefits Suffer

by Noam Scheiber and Michael Corkery - NYT - November 27, 2017

The steady growth of e-commerce has been a source of jobs and benefits as employment in traditional stores declines. But at online retailers taken over by Walmart, workers are finding one benefit in retreat: their company-sponsored health coverage.
In little more than a year, Walmart has spent nearly $4 billion acquiring e-commerce companies with thousands of workers. Last month, many learned that their potential out-of-pocket costs for medical expenses would increase in 2018 at a rate far exceeding the overall rise in health care costs — reaching thousands of dollars in many cases.
Walmart has periodically struggled against the perception that it skimps on health care benefits. Facing criticism from state legislators and worker advocates that too many of its employees relied on public programs like Medicaid — a critique that a 2005 internal memo conceded had a kernel of truth — the company began expanding access to coverage and making it more affordable about a decade ago.
But with costs rising in recent years, Walmart has reversed course in some ways. In 2011, it raised some premiums by more than 40 percent. Three years ago, it ended coverage for employees working fewer than 30 hours per week on average. Other large retailers, such as Target and Home Depot, made similar changes.
Health care benefits tend to be harder to come by in retail than in any other industry, with just over half of all retail employees eligible for company plans, versus more than 90 percent in manufacturing, according to a survey this year by the Kaiser Family Foundation. Retail workers also opt into their company plans at a far lower rate than any other industry’s workers, possibly suggesting that the insurance is not very attractive or affordable even when companies do offer it.
Walmart says the share of its employees eligible for company-sponsored coverage, and of those choosing it, is slightly above the industry norm. But the health benefits it offers in its online operations appear to be inferior to those of many e-commerce competitors.
At Bonobos, an online men’s wear retailer that Walmart agreed to buy in June for $310 million, workers currently pay nothing in premiums for medical coverage in exchange for a deductible — that is, the level below which they are responsible for covering their own expenses — of $2,000 for individuals and $4,000 for families. A similar policy under Walmart’s plan will cost an individual about $750 more per year in premiums and a family nearly $4,000 more, according to documents on Walmart’s employee benefits website. Both plans will also feature a deductible that is 50 percent higher than the current one.
Some of the biggest changes appear to be occurring at another recent acquisition, ModCloth, an online retailer that made its name selling hip, vintage-inspired apparel to millennial women. To keep biweekly premiums for ModCloth’s roughly 300 workers relatively close to what they pay now, their deductibles will rise from nothing to several thousand dollars per year.
Some economists say that as Walmart amasses such properties, its practices could put pressure on benefits throughout the e-commerce sector, which had been a relative bright spot for low-wage workers.
“My concern is they bring their model with them regardless of what was going on before they got there,” said Jared Bernstein, a senior fellow at the left-leaning Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, who served as chief economic adviser to former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr.
Blake Jackson, a Walmart spokesman, said: “We’ve put a lot of thought into creating a total package, including both compensation and benefits, that offers more than what we’ve had in the past.”
Mr. Jackson pointed out that as new employees of the retail giant, many of the workers had gained benefits like a 401(k) retirement plan with a company match and a stock purchase plan.
Mr. Jackson said that the company would make sure its benefits largely kept up with those of competitors, and that the benefits that Walmart offered hourly e-commerce workers were essentially the same benefits it offered hourly workers in its traditional stores.
In addition to its standard health insurance benefits, Walmart covers 100 percent of the cost of certain types of major surgery, like transplants, at a top facility.
The group OUR Walmart, which prods the company to improve wages and benefits, alerted The New York Times to the changes in coverage. The group’s current campaign seeks to make ModCloth’s customers aware of Walmart’s policies. Neither Walmart nor any of its recent e-commerce acquisitions is unionized.
The new Walmart options for hourly workers prominently feature what are known as consumer-driven plans, in which workers cover all their medical expenses out of pocket, up to a relatively high deductible. A medical-expense account to which the company contributes money helps defray these costs.
One coverage option for a worker and a child, including dental and vision, has a biweekly premium of about $67 (assuming no use of tobacco products). Walmart would in turn contribute $600 to a health reimbursement account. Once that $600 is exhausted, however, the worker would have to shoulder the full amount of family medical expenses up to $5,500.
At companies with 200 or more workers, only 10 percent of those enrolled in such plans face deductibles of $5,000 or higher for family coverage, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation’s 2017 survey.
Larry Levitt, a health insurance expert at the foundation, said that such high-deductible plans had increasingly become the cost-containment strategy of choice among many employers, but that the particulars of Walmart’s plan made it especially ungenerous.
At Walmart’s archrival, Amazon, workers typically pay less for more coverage. A similar type of plan would cost an Amazon worker with a child about $60 in biweekly premiums, with Amazon contributing $1,000 into a reimbursement account, according to the company. (The plan includes dental and vision coverage.) After exhausting that account, the worker would pay all expenses out of pocket up to $3,000.
If a ModCloth worker with a child wanted to lower the annual deductible to $3,500 — the lowest the company offers for this type of plan — and receive a $1,000 company contribution, the biweekly premium would be about $136, or just under $2,000 more per year than the Amazon plan.
ModCloth workers were also given the option of sticking with a more conventional insurance plan, but those who do will face premiums that are roughly double their old premiums for family coverage, and their deductible will rise from nothing to $2,000.
The average full-time hourly wage at ModCloth is $13.64. (Walmart put the average wage for its full-time store employees at $13.85 per hour.) But ModCloth employees say Susan Gregg Koger and Eric Koger, who started the company when they arrived in Pittsburgh to attend college in 2002 and later married, saw generous health insurance benefits as central to their feminist values. (Ms. Koger declined to comment.)
“The health benefits were really, really good,” said Alicia Faust Ogg, who worked in returns and customer service at ModCloth between 2012 and 2014.
Ms. Ogg, who had a baby while at the company, said that she had paid nothing out of pocket for her prenatal visits and that her hospital bill for the delivery had been below $1,000.
Under ModCloth’s current insurance, workers pay biweekly premiums ranging from $6.65 for the employee alone to $144 to cover a spouse and children as well. They pay no deductible within the company’s network and a modest co-payment for most doctor visits.
But in a tough retail environment, online operations were under pressure even before Walmart’s buying spree.
In 2014, ModCloth imposed the first of several rounds of layoffs and, according to several current and former employees, gradually made its perks less generous. That included cutbacks in health coverage, they said, but it remained comprehensive and affordable before the company was sold.


Time to return to New Deal principles: Unrelenting pursuit of the public good

by Charles Hoffacker - Portland Press Herald - November 30, 2017

NEWCASTLE — Years ago I learned something about the Masai warriors of Africa that I have never forgotten. These formidable warriors were considered second to none in their fearlessness and intelligence. Yet they greeted one another with a curious phrase. “Kasserian ingera?” one would always say to another. This means “And how are the children?”
The answer to this greeting was “All the children are well.” Even warriors with no children of their own would participate in these exchanges. This custom bore witness to the high value the Masai placed on the well-being of the children among them. “All the children are well” meant that safety and peace prevailed, that the Masai had not forgotten their responsibility for the youngest members of their society.
To this day, “Kasserian ingera?” remains the tribe’s traditional greeting.
What if, in our great country, we would take to greeting each other in this way: “And how are the children?” Perhaps if we heard this question and spoke it a dozen times a day, we would develop a new attitude as a nation toward how we treat the youngest people among us.
Take this a step further. What if the president of the United States, at every news conference, were asked, “And how are the children?” What if that happened with governors, members of Congress and elected representatives at all levels?
As a nation, our current treatment of children leaves much to be desired. This is a nation where many children go hungry, receive a woefully inadequate education, lack health insurance, end up in prison, live in environmental sacrifice zones or die from gunshot wounds. We cannot be a truly great nation until the day comes when anyone can hear that question, “And how are the children?” and respond with the words “All the children are well,” knowing deep down that this is the truth.
The Frances Perkins Center in Newcastle keeps alive the memory of a time when, despite mistakes and shortcomings, our federal government successfully reoriented itself to serve the welfare of every American during a time of national economic catastrophe and beyond. This massive reorientation is known as the New Deal of President Franklin D. Roosevelt.
Frances Perkins was secretary of labor throughout the 12 years of Roosevelt’s presidency and is recognized as “the woman behind the New Deal.” Appalled by how children were abused through factory employment, she contributed to the 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act, which prohibited the employment of children under 16 and required safe working conditions for employed youth.
The Perkins Center focuses on a remarkable period in American history, but it is actively concerned with the present and the future as well. Why? Because the New Deal story contains abiding American principles that have been eclipsed in recent decades. These principles once helped to transform a failing social order into a more gracious and generous society. They can do so again.
New Deal principles can reconnect our nation to the moral norm that Masai warriors upheld when they asked each other “And how are the children?” and responded “All the children are well.” All the children. No exceptions.
The Masai lacked many resources of our so-called “advanced” society, yet their morality insisted that they care for their children. Can we, who claim membership in an “advanced” society, go further and insist on the best possible life for people of all ages? Some countries directly embrace this goal and have achieved significant success in realizing it. The U.S. can do the same. We have the necessary resources.
The Frances Perkins Center is not alone in promoting America’s New Deal heritage and not alone in advocating for a more just social order. People and organizations across the land are engaged in this patriotic endeavor. Yet the Perkins Center has something distinctive to offer in the pursuit of the public good, because of the powerful witness of its namesake.
The 2020s may turn out to resemble the 1930s. The 1930s saw a hard-won transition from the Great Depression to a new and better deal for Americans. The 2020s can be the time when America leaves behind its current season of troubles and we become a people able to respond “All the children are well,” knowing in our hearts that this is the truth.





Sunday, November 19, 2017

Health Care Reform Articles - November 19, 2017


Uwe Reinhardt, 80, Dies; a Listened-to Voice on Health Care Policy

by Sam Roberts - NYT - November 15, 2017

Uwe Reinhardt, an economist whose keen, caustic and unconventional insights cast him as what colleagues called a national conscience in policy debates about health care, died on Monday in Princeton, N.J. He was 80.
The cause was sepsis, his wife, Tsung-Mei Cheng, said. He had taught in the economics department at the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University since 1968.
Professor Reinhardt helped shape health care deliberations for decades as a prolific contributor to numerous publications, an adviser to White House and congressional policymakers, a member of federal and professional commissions and a consultant and board member, paid and unpaid, for private industry.
“His work was instrumental in advocating some of the reforms embodied in the Affordable Care Act, such as having Medicare pay for performance rather than entirely on a fee-for-service basis,” Professor Janet Currie, the chairwoman of the Princeton economics department, wrote in an email.
Another colleague, Stuart H. Altman, a professor at Brandeis University, wrote, “No one was close to him in terms of impact on how we should think about how a decent health care system should operate.”
In 2015, the Republic of China awarded Professor Reinhardt its Presidential Prize for having devised Taiwan’s single-payer National Health Insurance program. The system now provides virtually the entire population with common benefits and costs 6.6 percent of the nation’s gross domestic product (about one-third the share that the United States spends).
Just last month, he received the 2017 Bipartisan Health Policy Leadership Award from the Alliance for Health Policy, a nonpartisan research and educational group in Washington.
Professor Reinhardt argued that what drove up the singularly high cost of health care in the United States was not the country’s aging population or a surplus of physicians or even Americans’ self-indulgent visits to doctors and hospitals.
“I’m just an immigrant, so maybe I am missing something about the curious American health care system,” he would often say, recalling his childhood in Germany and flight to Canada and apologizing that English was only his second language.
Then he would succinctly answer the cost question by quoting the title of an article he wrote with several colleagues in 2003 for the journal Health Affairs: “It’s the Prices, Stupid.”
What propelled those prices most, he said, was a chaotic market that operates “behind a veil of secrecy.”
That market, he said, is one in which employers “become the sloppiest purchasers of health care anywhere in the world,” as he wrote in the Economix blog in The New York Times in 2013.
It is also defined by the high cost of prescription drugs, he said, and the astronomical amounts that hospitals spend in dealing with a maze of insurers and health maintenance organizations.
“Our hospitals spend twice as much on administration as any hospital anywhere in the world because of all of this complexity,” he told Managed Care magazine in 2013.
If the nation cut the cost of health care administration in half, he said, the savings would be enough to insure everyone.
Professor Reinhardt’s prescription for a more sensible system included imposing penalties on the uninsured so that people would not postpone buying policies until they got sick. That idea, the so-called individual mandate, requiring most people to purchase health insurance, became an integral component of the Affordable Care Act, otherwise known as Obamacare. Republicans in Congress are now seeking to repeal that provision as part of a tax overhaul.
Professor Reinhardt also advocated providing government subsidies so that low-income families could afford mandated insurance, another feature of Obamacare.
His ideal model was the German system in which insurers negotiate with health care providers to set common binding prices in a specific region.
“I believe it is still the best model there is, because it blends a private health care delivery system with universal coverage and social solidarity,” he told The Times in 2009. “It’s inexpensive and equitable. Coverage is portable. You’re never uninsured in Germany. No family goes broke over health care bills.”
Always opinionated, Professor Reinhardt was also unsparing in inflicting his mordant wit on any self-satisfied expert he considered hypocritical or illogical.
“He was a knife twister of the first class,” the health economist Austin Frakt wrote on the blog The Incidental Economist, of which he is an editor in chief. “Should you hold dearly an idea he targeted for systematic dismantling, you would squirm.”
Professor Reinhardt excoriated college students who blamed loneliness for their binge drinking, describing them as “among the most pampered and highly privileged human beings on the planet.” He suggested that before applying for college young people “be required to spend one to two years in a tough job in the real world.”
And when critics complained that doctors were overpaid, he countered that their collective take-home pay amounted to only 10 percent of national health spending. Slicing it by 20 percent, he wrote, “would reduce total national health spending by only 2 percent, in return for a wholly demoralized medical profession to which we so often look to save our lives.
“It strikes me as a poor strategy,” he added.
With near unanimity, colleagues and admirers praised Professor Reinhardt for transforming raw data into moral imperatives.
Senator Bernie Sanders, the Vermont independent who advocates a “Medicare for all” national health care system, wrote in an email, “Uwe Reinhardt was one of the leaders in the effort to make health care a right, not a privilege.”
And Professor Elliott S. Fisher of Dartmouth called Professor Reinhardt “in so many ways the conscience of the U.S. health care system.”
Uwe (pronounced OO-vuh) Ernst Reinhardt was born on Sept. 24, 1937, in the city of Osnabrück in northwest Germany. His father, Wilhelm, was a chemical engineer. His mother, the former Edeltraut Kehne, was a photographer and painter.
He was raised near the Belgian border and the Hürtgen forest, where American and German soldiers engaged in hand-to-hand combat for four months in 1944.
“I could not help but become witness daily to the horrors of war,” Professor Reinhardt wrote in 2003 in a Times Op-Ed article, praising a Marine chaplain for urging soldiers to pray for their enemies ad well as themselves. “Millions of Europeans of my generation, whom many Americans now disparage so contemptuously as pacifists, had a similar experience.”
His exposure to the war so dismayed him that in the mid-1950s, at 18, rather than be drafted into the army and have to salute a German officer in the wake of “the unimaginable atrocities committed by Nazi Germany” years earlier, his wife said, he left the country, setting off for Canada and leaving his parents and four siblings behind.
He landed in Montreal with $90 in his pocket and no Canadian connections. Having had some apprentice training in shipping in Germany, he found work at a shipping company and worked nights parking cars in a parking lot. He always ate oatmeal for breakfast because it was cheap, his wife said, and to make extra money he routinely volunteered to work overtime for co-workers who had families.
After three years, he had saved enough money to enroll, hundreds of miles away, at the University of Saskatchewan in Saskatoon, the cheapest university he knew of, Ms. Cheng said. (Selling his used Chevrolet and beloved guitar helped defray the costs.)
He graduated with a bachelor of commerce degree and went on to Yale, where he received his doctorate. His thesis was titled “An Economic Analysis of Physicians’ Practices.”
In addition to Ms. Cheng, a health policy research analyst at Princeton who is known as May, he is survived by their children, Dirk, Kara and Mark Reinhardt; his sisters, Heide Cermin and Imeltraut Arndt; his brother, Jurgen; and two grandchildren.
Professor Reinhardt joined the Princeton faculty in 1968 as an assistant professor. At his death, he was the James Madison professor of political economy and professor of economics and public affairs at the Woodrow Wilson School.
“He was so inspired a teacher,” said Henry J. Aaron, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, the research organization in Washington, “that he could make accounting the most popular course at Princeton.” Among his students was Bill Frist, a surgeon and a former Republican Senate majority leader from Tennessee.
In 2015, Professor Reinhardt humbly — and facetiously — announced that after reflecting on the global economic crisis that had occurred several years earlier, he was calling it quits.
“After the near-collapse of the world’s financial system has shown that we economists really do not know how the world works, I am much too embarrassed to teach economics anymore,” he wrote.
In an interview not long before that, though, he belied any pretense of self-doubt when he was asked whether he was perplexed by the seemingly insolvable challenges of health care economics.
“Have you ever seen a perplexed economist?” Professor Reinhardt replied. “We have an answer for everything.”

Obamacare, Reliant on Insurance
Requirement, Would Crumble
Under Senate Tax Bill

by Haeyoun Park - NYT - November 15, 2017

Senate Republicans want to eliminate the Affordable Care Act’s requirement that most people buy health insurance as part of their overhaul of the tax code. Repealing the rule, known as the individual mandate, is a longstanding Republican goal and would allow lawmakers to save hundreds of billions of dollars to help pay for broad tax cuts.
If the individual mandate is repealed, people with lower health costs would be less likely to buy insurance on the health law’s marketplaces. In fact, the Congressional Budget Office expects that 13 million more people would be uninsured in 10 years.
How the number of
uninsured would change

50 million uninsured
If the individual
mandate 
is repealed
Here’s why: The mandate exists to help ensure that there are enough healthy people in the insurance pool to balance out the sick, who are more costly to insure. The health law forces most people who go without insurance to pay a tax penalty.
Without the mandate, people who buy insurance to avoid the penalty and who do not expect to use much medical care would be more likely to drop coverage.

HEALTHY PEOPLE 
EXITING INSURANCE
POOL
The pool would be left with more people with higher costs, which would cause the average price of coverage to rise.
As insurance got more expensive, more people would most likely exit the pool. Some healthy people could find insurance difficult to afford, and others with health problems could decide that coverage was no longer valuable relative to their needs.

MORE PEOPLE
EXITING INSURANCE
POOL
Almost all of the people exiting the pool would be those who are ineligible for premium subsidies from the federal government. That’s because people who qualify for the subsidies would largely be shielded from premium increases.
“The premium subsidies, which increase dollar for dollar as rates go up, cushion the impact and prevent a full-on death spiral,” said Larry Levitt, a policy expert at the Kaiser Family Foundation, in an email.
The cycle could continue, which would cause premiums to rise even more. The Congressional Budget Office expects premiums to rise by 10 percent for most years over the next decade if the mandate is eliminated.
While not popular, the individual mandate is a crucial part of the Affordable Care Act. Without the incentive, it would be hard for insurers to cover people with pre-existing conditions, one of the law’s most popular features.


Middle-Class Families Confront Soaring Health Insurance Costs

by Robert Pear - NYT - November 16, 2017

CHARLOTTESVILLE, Va. — Consumers here at first did not believe the health insurance premiums they saw when they went shopping for coverage this month on HealthCare.gov. Only five plans were available, and for a family of four with parents in their mid-30s, the cheapest plan went typically for more than $2,400 a month, nearly $30,000 a year.
With the deadline for a decision less than a month away, consumers are desperately weighing their options, dismayed at the choices they have under the Affordable Care Act and convinced that political forces in Washington are toying with their health and well-being.
“I believe in the Affordable Care Act; it worked for me under the Obama administration,” said Sara Stovall, 40, who does customer-support work for a small software company. “But it’s not working as it was supposed to. It’s being sabotaged, and I feel like a pawn.”
Ms. Stovall said she might try to reduce her hours and income, so her family could qualify for subsidies on offer to poorer families to help pay for premiums.
Heather Griffith, a 42-year-old real estate broker, said she would put aside much less money for her retirement and the education of her two young children so she could pay the premiums.
And even though he does not need an assistant for his work as a developer of mobile apps, Ian Dixon, 38, said he might hire an employee just so he could buy health insurance as a small business, at a cost far below what he and his family would have to pay on their own.
“If one word captures all this, it’s ‘helpless,”’ Mr. Dixon said. “There’s rage and anger and all that stuff in there, too. Any reasonable person would agree that this should not be happening. And there’s no one to go talk to about it. There’s no hope that this is going to get fixed.”
The situation here in Charlottesville is an extreme example of a pattern that can be seen in other places around the country. The Affordable Care Act is working fairly well for people who receive subsidies in the form of tax credits, said Doug Gray, the executive director of the Virginia Association of Health Plans, which represents insurers. But for many others, especially many middle-class families, he said, “the premium is outrageous, and it’s unaffordable.”
Congress’s repeated efforts to repeal President Barack Obama’s signature health law have rattled insurance markets. Actions by President Trump and his administration have added still more uncertainty. Now, Senate Republicans have attached a provision to their $1.5 trillion tax cut that would repeal the health law’s mandate that most Americans have health insurance or pay a penalty.
All of those actions — along with flaws in the law itself — are having real-world impact.
“We share their pain,” Michael M. Dudley, the president and chief executive of Optima Health, said of his Virginia customers now shopping for policies on the health law’s online exchange. “The rate increases are very high. We can’t minimize that because it’s a fact.”
The Dixon family, which includes two girls ages 1 and 3, has been paying $988 a month this year for insurance provided by Anthem Blue Cross and Blue Shield. But Anthem plans will not be available in Charlottesville next year. The company told customers that uncertainty in the insurance market “does not provide the clarity and confidence we need to offer affordable coverage to our members.”
The online federal marketplace, HealthCare.gov, recommended another plan for Mr. Dixon in 2018. The new plan, offered by Optima Health, has premiums of $3,158 a month — about $37,900 a year — and an annual deductible of $9,200.
Alternatively, Mr. Dixon could pick a lower-cost plan offered by Optima with premiums of about $2,500 a month, or $30,000 a year. But the deductible would be much higher. The Dixons would need to spend $14,400 a year for certain health care services before Optima would begin to pay.
The Stovalls are facing similar mathematics.
“Our premiums will triple to $3,000 a month, with a $12,000 deductible, and that is far, far out of reach for us,” Ms. Stovall said after researching the options for her family of four on HealthCare.gov. “We are not asking for free health insurance. All we want is a reasonable chance to buy it.”
Subsidies are available to help low- and moderate-income people pay premiums, but no financial assistance is available to a family of four with annual income over $98,400.
Optima, a division of Sentara Healthcare, invited customers to share their personal stories on its Facebook page, and they obliged, with a fusillade of plaintive and sardonic comments.
Bill Stanford, who works for a floor-covering business in Virginia Beach, said, “Optima Health Care just raised my premium from an absurd $1,767 a month to an obscene $2820.09 per month,” which is more than the mortgage payments on his home for a family of four.
“At an average of $60 per visit,” Mr. Stanford said, “I could visit the doctor’s office 45 times a month for the premium that I’m paying. I think we will probably drop our insurance and get a gap policy.” Such short-term insurance is meant to fill temporary gaps, but typically does not cover maternity care or treatment for pre-existing medical conditions.
Mr. Dudley said in an interview that Optima, a Virginia company, felt an obligation to continue serving Virginians when larger national insurers were pulling back. But, he said, Optima is affected by the same factors destabilizing insurance markets elsewhere. These include President Trump’s decision to terminate certain federal subsidies paid to insurers and doubts about the future of the requirement for most Americans to have insurance — the individual mandate, which would be eliminated by the Senate Republicans’ tax bill.
And in the Charlottesville area, Mr. Dudley said, costs are high because many people receive care from an expensive academic medical center at the University of Virginia.
Carolyn L. Engelhard, director of the health policy program at the university’s School of Medicine, acknowledged that teaching hospitals often charged more. But another factor, she said, is that Virginia has not regulated insurance rates as aggressively as some other states.
Consumers are feeling the effects.
“Obamacare helped me,” Ms. Griffith said. “I had a pre-existing condition, could not get insurance and had to pay cash, nearly $30,000, for the birth of my first baby in 2010. For my second pregnancy in 2015, I was covered by Obamacare, and that was a huge financial relief.”
But the costs for next year, she said, are mind-boggling.
She and her husband, both self-employed, expect to pay premiums of $32,000 a year for the cheapest Optima plan available to their family in 2018. That is two and a half times what they now pay Anthem. And the annual deductible, $14,400, will be four times as high.
“I have no choice,” Ms. Griffith said. “I agree that we need to make changes in the Affordable Care Act, but we don’t have time to start over from scratch. We are suffering now.”
Jill A. Hanken, a health lawyer at the Virginia Poverty Law Center, said, “People who qualify for premium tax credits are finding very affordable plans with low premiums, and those consumers are quite pleased.” But she added: “For people who don’t qualify for tax credits, the cost of plans has truly skyrocketed. They can’t afford or don’t want to pay the high premiums.”
When the Affordable Care Act was adopted in 2010, Democrats like Nancy Pelosi, who was then the House speaker, said the law would make it easier for people to switch jobs or start their own businesses because they would not have to worry about losing health insurance.
“We see it as an entrepreneurial bill,” Ms. Pelosi said, “a bill that says to someone, if you want to be creative and be a musician or whatever, you can leave your work, focus on your talent, your skill, your passion, your aspirations because you will have health care.”
And for a few years, Mr. Dixon said, that idea was appealing. “I would not be an entrepreneur if it were not for Obamacare,” he said.
With soaring premiums, that option is less attractive.
“When I saw the insurance prices for 2018, my initial instinct was to try and go back to my previous employer,” Mr. Dixon said. “But that would just smell of desperation.”

Who Really Gets a Tax Increase if the Individual Mandate Goes Away?

by Margot Sanger-Katz - NYT - November 17, 2017


If Obamacare’s requirement to have health insurance is revoked by Congress, some people will choose to go without it, and the government will save money because it won’t have to pay to subsidize their plans. 
Almost everyone agrees on that. But precisely how much the individual mandate matters, and who would really be worse off without it, are trickier questions. 
New estimates show that the mandate’s repeal would give low-income Americans a big tax increase. But Republicans say that’s not true. And they have a point. Meanwhile, left out of the tax tables is the fact that some higher earners, who look as if they are getting more of a tax cut, will get hit with higher insurance premiums if the mandate is repealed.
The Congressional Budget Office currently estimates that eliminating Obamacare’s individual mandate will cause 13 million more people to become uninsured, and save the government $338 billion over 10 years. Most Republican lawmakers don’t really believe dropping the mandate would so severely lower the number of insured, a point they argued loudly when they were hoping to repeal Obamacare earlier this year. 
After long resisting that idea, the budget office recently signaled that it agrees, and it plans to lower its estimates next year.  But for now, Republicans have seized on the unadjusted estimates, because fewer people with government-subsidized insurance means more money to help them finance other parts of their tax overhaul bill.

It looks as if the tax bill rises for some people who drop coverage.

Here’s why: The subsidies Obamacare offers to low- and middle-income Americans who buy their own insurance take the form of refundable tax credits, a kind of government-issued gift card that can be used only to buy health insurance. But if fewer people who qualify for these gift cards choose to buy insurance, the government spends less in tax money for the population that qualifies. The tax scorekeepers count this reduction in tax credits as an increase in tax liability for the group. Individuals would not actually pay more in taxes.
If they don’t buy insurance and don’t get the gift card, is that really the same thing as paying more in taxes? Republicans say it is not.
“Nothing in our mark will impact the availability of premium subsidy credits,” said Senator Orrin Hatch of Utah, the chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, on Thursday, using a technical term for draft legislation. “This is the result of an assumption about economic behavior that is 100 percent voluntary.”
Mr. Hatch has a point. The subsidies may count, technically, as tax benefits, but they are relatively unusual in the tax code, because they can be used only to buy health insurance. People who get insurance can get a gift card. People who don’t get nothing. But if someone chooses not to buy insurance, does that mean they’ve lost out financially?
Some analysts consider those losses real losses, because it appears that some people are spurred to investigate their insurance options because of the mandate, then learn they qualify for free insurance. Without a mandate, they might remain uninsured. (And even some of those who don’t qualify for free insurance might end up better off buying it — people who contract an expensive disease, or get in a serious accident.)
“In my view, those people are definitely better off with coverage than without coverage,” said Aviva Aron-Dine, a senior fellow at the liberal Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. “They’re protected from financial catastrophe. They can get primary and preventive care. And the mandate gave them a nudge.”
But others say that if customers valued health insurance, they would buy it.
“Since the credits go exclusively to pay the premium, it’s a little weird,” said Len Burman, an institute fellow at the Tax Policy Center, a research group that evaluates tax laws. 
Another weird thing that Mr. Burman noted is that the more expensive health insurance gets, the bigger a tax increase the change appears to be in the government estimates. Under the Affordable Care Act, people below a certain income cap can’t pay more than a percentage of their income to buy health insurance, so as prices go up, so do their subsidies. Economists think that lifting a requirement for healthy people to buy insurance will tend to make the resulting pool of customers sicker, driving up insurance premiums. But the actual cost of insurance for that group wouldn’t increase.
“The credits look more valuable, because the proposal sabotages the health market, and premiums go up,” he said.

Others will have a tax cut but face much higher premiums. 

But if the low-income people who won’t get tax credits aren’t clearly worse off financially — after all, they could claim them again if they choose to buy insurance — there’s another group that is certain to suffer if the mandate goes away. Higher-income people, who don’t qualify for government gift cards, have to pay the full price of health insurance. Single people earning more than about $48,000, or families of four earning more than around $98,000, earn too much to qualify for any insurance subsidies. 
The budget office estimates that eliminating the mandate would drive up premiums an average of 10 percent every year beyond their normal rate of increase. Based on this year’s prices, that would mean a price increase of more than $50 a month for a 40-year-old single customer in large sections of Nebraska and North Carolina, even for the very cheapest high-deductible plans on the market. Unsubsidized 40-year-old customers in Alaska, who qualify for credits at slightly higher rates of income, would face increases of more than $70 a month for the least-expensive plan. In the cheapest markets in the country, in Indiana and Texas, premiums would rise for single 40-year-olds by about $19 a month.
Such a premium increase could largely cancel out the tax benefits of the reform bill for many people in that income range who buy their own insurance. A Center on Budget and Policy Priorities analysis of the first draft of the Senate tax bill found that the average family earning between $50,000 and $75,000 would save around $750 on their taxes. Compare that with the $600 premium increase a single customer in Nebraska might face.
Both Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Republican senators whose votes may be needed to pass the tax bill, have expressed some concern about the premium increases for this group as a kind of hidden middle-class tax increase. Those changes may not show up as increases on a government table the way the missing tax credits appear for their lower-income neighbors. But the effect on their bottom line may be more significant.
Margot Sanger-Katz is a domestic correspondent and writes about health care for The Upshot. She was previously a reporter at National Journal and The Concord Monitor and an editor at Legal Affairs and the Yale Alumni Magazine.


GOP's Obamacare Tax Scheme Will Create an Insurance Nightmare for the Middle Class
Health Care Policy and Marketplace Review - Bob Laszewski - November 16, 2017

Senate Republicans just announced that the repeal of the individual mandate (in the form of reducing the penalty tax to zero) will be in the Senate Finance Committee's version of tax reform.

The individual mandate has never been successful toward the objective of attracting people to the program. There are much better ways to do that.

But killing the mandate while simultaneously opening up the market to cheaper stripped down alternatives would combine to create unintended consequences the Republicans haven't appeared to comprehend.

Recently, President Trump encouraged his administration to craft regulations that would enable insurance companies to sell short-term medical policies with a duration of 12 months.

These short-term medical policies would not have to comply with the Obamacare benefit mandates. They could exclude people with pre-existing conditions.

Today, buying one of these policies would trigger the individual mandate tax penalty because a person had not purchased qualified coverage.

But, if the individual mandate tax penalty is repealed as part of the Republican tax bill there would be no such penalty to buy one of these policies.

I could easily see the individual health insurance market bifurcated into a sick and healthy pool because of these changes:
  • The sickest taking advantage of the guarantee issue protections in the Obamacare compliant market.
  • The healthiest buying a succession of these "short-term" 12 month policies while guaranteed to be able to opt back into the Obamacare market when they got sick. In fact, I could see these "short-term" policies sold on a calendar year basis so those prohibited from renewing, because of a recently acquired condition, would be able to conveniently opt into the Obamacare guaranteed insurability market when their short-term coverage expired right in line with the annual open enrollment.
I can envision these "short-term" policies offering a fairly comprehensive medical and hospital benefit set even though they did not cover all of the mandated benefits. These policies could also be much cheaper by excluding things like pregnancy and mental health and substance abuse coverage.

I could easily see these policies costing half of what the Obamacare compliant policies cost.

So, the healthy would have the best of both worlds––cheap and even arguably attractive coverage while still being guaranteed to be able to opt into a much more comprehensive Obamacare policy every January 1st if they got sick.

It's not hard to see what would happen. We would have two risk pools:
  • The very expensive Obamacare compliant risk pool with only the very sickest left in it, and
  • The very cheap "short-term" policy risk pool with the healthiest people.
And, the unsubsidized cost for those who acquired a pre-existing condition and were forced to opt back into the Obamacare compliant market, would be simply astronomical. Remember, 40% of those in the individual health insurance market make too much to qualify for a premium subsidy.

In other words, this scheme works much better than what we have today––until you get sick. And, everyone ultimately acquires a pre-existing condition.

A health insurance system that works only while you are healthy is not a health insurance system.

Obamacare is a disaster because it only works best for the sickest and those with the lowest incomes. As a result, the healthy have disproportionately stayed away driving the costs up to unaffordable levels for those who don't get the big subsidies. And, only 40% of those who are subsidy eligible are now participating.

This Republican scheme would work best for the healthiest. It would also work well for the poor because the premium subsidy system would protect them from the even higher costs inside of Obamacare.

But the Republican scheme would be devastating for those in the unsubsidized middle class who would not be able to afford coverage once they got sick.

Ironically, the people the Republican scheme would hurt the most would be those in the middle class (the unsubsidized) that have been most vocal in calling on the Republicans to fix the system.

What States Can Learn From One Another on Health Care

by Dhruv Khullar - NYT - November 16, 2017

We know that where you live matters: There are huge disparities in health and costs across the country.
The uninsured rate in Texas is six times higher than in Massachusetts. You’re four times more likely to be readmitted to the hospital in Maryland or New Jersey than in Hawaii. One-third of low-income adults in Texas forgo medical care because of cost, but only 9 percent in Vermont do. Alaska spends twice as much on health care per person as Utah does.
If all states were to improve to the level of top performers, we’d see gains across the country: 20 million more people insured and 14 million fewer skipping care because of cost; 12 million more adults screened for cancer and 500,000 more children vaccinated; 124,000 fewer hospital readmissions and 90,000 fewer premature deaths.
How can we get there? Although it’s important to learn from states at the top, it’s perhaps more instructive to see what states with large improvements are doing, or have done, to get better.
Health care is perhaps the area most consistently recognized as ripe for state-based policy innovation, in keeping with the ideal of states as laboratories of democracy. Nearly all recent health reform proposals, especially from Republicans, focus on granting states greater flexibility to design and manage their health systems.
Seema Verma, the director of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, has promised to give states an “unprecedented level of flexibility” to devise their Medicaid programs, including the option to impose work requirements. Senators Lamar Alexander and Patty Murray have put forth a plan to make it easier for states to get federal waivers to reshape their health systems.
There are good reasons to pursue such a strategy. States have markedly different populations with varying needs, resources and cultures — and systems that work well in one state may not work well in another. But what do we know about how states use health policy freedom?

Stabilizing Marketplaces and Lowering Premiums

One fundamental challenge in the Obamacare insurance marketplaces is that a few very sick patients can increase premiums for everyone, especially in states with small individual markets. To address this problem, Alaska applied for a Section 1332 waiver to expand its reinsurance program, which brings in federal funds to cover costs for people with particularly expensive conditions.
Alaska thus “reinsures” its insurers for high-cost patients, and prevents those costs from being passed on to healthier people. Because premiums don’t rise as steeply, the federal government pays out less in premium subsidies — keeping the program deficit-neutral. The waiver is expected to lower premiums by 20 percent in 2018, and insure nearly 1,500 additional Alaskans.
Minnesota recently received a similar waiver, and several other states are exploring their own reinsurance programs.

Tackling Health Care Prices

Prices for health care services vary widely across the United States with little relation to quality. The price of an M.R.I., for example, is 12 times higher in the most expensive markets than in the least expensive ones, and can vary by a factor of nine even within the same area.
In 2011, the California Public Employees’ Retirement System (Calpers) changed how it paid for common procedures, a move that drastically reduced prices and saved the state millions. Before the initiative, prices for knee and hip replacements ranged from $15,000 to $100,000 with no difference in quality. That’s when Calpers introduced reference pricing — meaning it set an upper limit on how much it would pay for a given procedure, and patients would pay the rest.
For example, Calpers would pay up to $30,000 for knee or hip surgery at 41 acceptable-quality hospitals, defined by measures like infection and readmission rates. Patients could still go wherever they wanted, but would have to cover the additional cost of a high-priced hospital.
The results were impressive. Referrals to lower-priced hospitals increased by nearly 20 percent. The average price of the procedures dropped to about $26,000 from $35,000 — driven primarily by hospitals not initially included, and hoping to compete. There was no change in how well patients did or how much they paid out of pocket. California saved $5.5 million on knee and hip operations in the first two years. It also saved $7 million on colonoscopies, $1.3 million on cataract operations, and $2.3 million on arthroscopies. Prices fell by about 20 percent for each procedure.

Reducing Infant Mortality

The United States has one of the highest infant mortality rates among wealthy nations — and does worse than even many poorer countries like  Cuba and Belarus. Mississippi’s infant mortality rate puts it on par with Botswana and Bahrain. The infant mortality rate in the U.S. is nearly three times higher than in Finland or Japan. 
Georgia, which recently had one of the highest infant mortality rates in the country, has had perhaps the largest improvement in the past decade. The state has taken a three-pronged approach to the problem.
First, it began a Safe to Sleep campaign to educate parents and health care providers about putting babies on their backs to sleep, in a separate bed, free of loose bedding or soft objects. The Department of Public Health developed “hot-spot” maps to focus the campaign on six areas with the highest infant mortality.
Second, based on research suggesting that short intervals between births lead to poorer outcomes, Georgia introduced a program to expand access to long-acting reversible contraception (LARC). The state received a Medicaid waiver so it could be reimbursed for LARC insertion immediately after births in the hospital, overcoming a major barrier to broader LARC use among low-income women.
Finally, Georgia aimed to reduce early elective deliveries, which increase the risk of feeding, breathing and developmental problems, by changing its reimbursement policy so that non-medically necessary inductions and cesarean sections before 39 weeks of gestation would no longer be covered.

Back to Basics

There’s much to learn from state-level innovations, but there are also general principles that apply across states. High-performing states have competitive and accessible insurance markets; strategies for data-sharing and health information technology expansion; more value-based purchasing; greater emphasis on primary care; and strong partnerships with community organizations. They also expand Medicaid.
It’s also important to note that many state-level policy changes do not require federal approval, and that states don’t always use their flexibility to improve population health. Proposals that allow states to weaken protections for those with pre-existing conditions, for example, could harm patients and their ability to access care.
Greater flexibility for states is an opportunity, not a solution. The enormous variation in quality, costs and access across the nation should remind us that experiments succeed and experiments fail. Having laboratories is probably a good thing. But it depends on what they cook up.

Pope urges guaranteed health care for all people

 by Francis DeMilio - Associated Press - November 17, 2017

VATICAN CITY — Pope Francis on Thursday urged lawmakers to ensure that health care laws protect the “common good,” decrying the fact that in many places only the privileged can afford sophisticated medical treatments.
The comments came as lawmakers in Washington, D.C., have been debating how to overhaul the nation’s health insurance laws.
In a message to a medical association meeting at the Vatican, Francis expressed dismay at what he called a tendency toward growing inequality in health care. He said in wealthier countries, health care access risks being more dependent on people’s money than on their need for treatment.
“Increasingly, sophisticated and costly treatments are available to ever more limited and privileged segments of the population, and this raises questions about the sustainability of health care delivery and about what might be called a systemic tendency toward growing inequality in health care,” the pope said.
“This tendency is clearly visible at the global level, particularly when different countries are compared,” Francis said. “But it is also present within the more wealthy countries, where access to health care risks being more dependent on individuals’ economic resources than on their actual need for treatment.”
Without citing any countries, Francis said health care laws must take a “broad and comprehensive view of what most effectively promotes the common good” in each situation, including looking out for society’s most vulnerable people.
The Vatican meeting explored end-of-life issues and Francis repeated decades-old church teaching forbidding euthanasia. 
He also reiterated Vatican teaching that says “not adopting, or else suspending, disproportionate measures, means avoiding overzealous treatment. From an ethical standpoint, it is completely different from euthanasia, which is always wrong.”
On end-of-life, the pope said, countries must “defend the fundamental equality whereby everyone is recognized under law as a human being.”

Public Health Care and Defining Canada: Readers Speak Out in the Canada Letter

Ian Austen - NYT - November 17, 2017

As symbols of national identity go, public health care’s wallet-sized ID card is pretty prosaic. But when I recently asked you if public health care defines Canada, your answers were anything but.
The question was prompted by a visit to Toronto by Margot Sanger-Katz, a health policy reporter in The Times’s Washington bureau. She had tagged along with Senator Bernie Sanders who took a field trip to look at Canada’s health care system.
As a visiting American, Ms. Sanger-Katz was particularly struck by one thing. Time and again, people in the health care system and patients used the word “fairness” when discussing it.
The overwhelming consensus of Canada Letter readers, at least based on your emails, was twofold. Despite its flaws and regional variations, public health care is generally a key to defining Canada. And for many of you, it reflects a more collective spirit lacking in the United States, particularly now. Though, of course, not everyone agreed.
Many of your emails mentioned how the system owed its existence to Tommy Douglas, the Baptist minister who, as premier of Saskatchewan, introduced the first provincial health care program in 1947. Mr. Douglas, as many of you also noted, was the father of the actress Shirley Douglas and grandfather of Kiefer Sutherland, who plays an accidental president of the United States in the television thriller “Designated Survivor.”
Mr. Douglas may have pioneered public health care, but he never saw his dream of a socialist Canada realized. The party he once led, the New Democrats, has never held power federally. And a Liberal government made universal health care a national reality in 1966.
Few, if any, politicians within the mainstream spectrum would dare suggest ending it today, although calls for reforming its services, which are delivered by the provinces, and its funding have become the perpetual motion machine of Canadian politics.
Space doesn’t allow me to include all of your responses, but here are some of the highlights, which have been condensed and edited for clarity:
Defining Values
“It is all about fairness. Canadians believe that every citizen has a right to the same services and privileges as everyone else — and the same responsibilities as every other citizen. The latter is less often expressed, but is part of the fabric of our society.
We have worked very hard as a society to ameliorate or eliminate disparities as much as possible, across a vast landscape with a sparse population. Universal health care is one of those measures.”
—Jane Mattei, Calgary, Alberta
Setting Us Apart
“We do see our health care system as a defining feature of our society, but as with many of the things we see as integral to our own self-image (multiculturalism, bilingualism, peacekeeping, gun restrictions, the monarchy) we choose to identify with it mainly because it sets us apart from the U.S.A.
Remember: In the context of developed countries, the Canadian health care system is pretty unremarkable. It is the U.S. that swims against the current.”
—John Ringer, from Toronto currently living in Britain
“The Canadian and American health systems did not diverge greatly in the first part of the 20th century. Some Canadians and some Americans shared enthusiasms for public power, a graduated income tax and government-based health care. They included many doctors on both sides of the border, especially those who, in the 1930s, were tired of being paid in chickens and bacon.
The first federal project was concocted during the war, though it remained on the shelf. There was another flare-up in 1945-6 with plans for an Ottawa-run social welfare system and the health part probably resembled Harry Truman’s medical care project. Canadian and American schemes for universal health care strongly resembled each other. But the Canadian one was enacted, while the American was only partially realized.”
—Robert Bothwell, professor of history, the University of Toronto
Ideological Divide
“People say that the border between Canada and the U.S. is artificial and the people are the same on both sides. But Canadians have evolved differently, with a sense of fairness and equality that is not seen south of the border.
It may date back to our founding. The motto of the U.S. — ‘Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness’ stresses individuality, while Canada’s Constitution talks about ‘Peace, Order and Good Government,’ stressing a belief in the government that the U.S. doesn’t seem to have.”
—Eric Cohen, Toronto
Community vs. Profit
“There is a collectivist sentiment here that emphasizes equity and interpersonal decency (frequently manifested as Canadian politeness), one that supersedes the highly entrepreneurial approach that health care has long had in the U.S.
This is reflected in every step of the system, including the lack of private medical schools and universities. The health system attempts, with considerable success, to make collective health the goal, rather than emphasizing the intervention-heavy, irrational-life-prolonging-at-all-costs marketplace that is available to the select cadre of Americans who can afford it.”
—Dr. Erica Frank, professor of public health, University of British Columbia, Vancouver.

Angus King Urges Senate To Act On Health Center Bill

by Mal Leary - Maine Public - November 17, 2017

Independent U.S. Sen. Angus King has called on the Senate to fund federally qualified health centers, a month after they lost 70 percent of their federal funding and amid talks about layoffs and cutbacks in services starting in January.
“If we leave at the end of the year and haven’t done this, it will be a tragedy for rural America, it will be a betrayal of rural America, it will be a betrayal of our constituents,” he says.
Maine’s 20 federally qualified health centers operate 70 health care facilities across the state, with over 200,000 Mainers depending on the centers for their health care.
“They provide $16 million worth of uncompensated care that goes to Maine people who need the help. They are efficient. They’ve saved Medicaid over $100 million in Maine,” he says.
King says the issue is not partisan, but nonetheless, Senate leaders have not brought legislation forward for a vote to make sure the centers keep operating at existing levels.

Analyses: Repealing Individual Mandate Would Leave 50,000 More Mainers Uninsured

by Patty Wight - Maine Public - November 17, 2017

About 50,000 Mainers would lose health insurance under the proposed Senate Republican tax bill, according to progressive-leaning state and national policy organizations. They say the tax bill’s provision to eliminate the Affordable Care Act’s individual mandate tugs at a thread that would significantly unravel the federal health law.
Both the Maine Center for Economic Policy and the Washington, D.C.-based Center for American Progress crunched the numbers from a Congressional Budget Office analysis to get state-specific data on the effect of repealing the individual mandate. They arrived at the same conclusion.
“Even a small state like Maine would have 50,000 more uninsured residents by 2025,” says Emily Gee, an economist at the Center for American Progress. The Maine Center for Economic Policy projected the same number of uninsured by 2027.
Analyst James Myall says that assumes Maine will expand Medicaid. If the state doesn’t, the number of uninsured will be even higher. Those hardest hit, he says, are middle class Mainers who don’t qualify for subsidies on the ACA marketplace or only qualify for small subsidies.
“The worst-hit folks are people who live in rural parts of the state, in western Maine or The County, or Down East, because that’s where premiums are already high,” he says.
If the individual mandate is repealed, Myall says younger, healthier people will likely opt out of buying health insurance. That will leave older, sicker consumers in the marketplace. To cover the cost of their care, insurance companies will likely raise premiums.
The Center for American Progress estimates the average marketplace premium for a family in Maine will increase about $2,300. Steve Butterfield of Consumers for Affordable Health Care says that will wipe out any benefit the tax bill might provide middle class families.
“That is not a path to any kind of solution except causing chaos,” he says.
Myall says plucking out the individual mandate from the ACA may seem like an easy way to reduce costs to help fund the tax bill. But he says unraveling the mandate will bring hidden costs. Hospitals will see a rise in uncompensated care, and sicker employees will find it difficult to work.
“What it really means is undermining the whole system and making the insurance market and ultimately public health in Maine worse for everyone,” he says.
Republican U.S. Sen. Susan Collins of Maine expressed concern earlier this weekthat repealing the individual mandate would increase premiums, though she has not announced whether she’ll vote for or against the tax bill.