Opinion: A critical role now for health professionals
Communicating effectively with the public and patients will be key as COVID-19 accelerates.
By Jeffrey. C. Lerner and Norbert Goldfield - AJC - December 17, 2020
As deaths in Georgia from COVID-19 continue to march towards
10,000, and cases towards a half million, there is no “political
vaccine” against disinformation to accompany the coming biological one.
Local health professionals throughout Georgia will have to administer
both to reverse the trend.
National
attention is focused on whether and how government officials, including
the victors in Georgia’s Senatorial race, will work to create a
political vaccine. Will they be the allies of Georgia’s health
professionals in prioritizing and conveying the legitimacy of science
and urgency of evidence-based medical care?
Local action is now our best hope of setting examples for
following good public measures and providing guidance for protecting one
another and ensuring schools and businesses operate as safely as
possible until both the vaccines and better treatments help stem the
rising tide of illness.
Public bodies are, increasingly, taking
public stances. The American Medical Association, the American Nurses
Association, and the American Hospital Association, representing
healthcare professionals from both Democratic and Republican parties,
are united in pleading with the public to adhere to scientific guidance
by wearing masks, maintaining social distance, and washing hands
frequently. But their efforts have not proved to be enough to get the
needed results.
Overcoming resistance to science-based approaches will need local
leaders - people who deliver the messages and provide the advice that
stands a better chance of being followed by more local citizens. That’s
where health professionals, especially, come in, accepting that they
need to redefine what it means to provide “frontline care.” Public
health is the new frontline care because it is the most effective means
we currently have to spare people unnecessary illness, misery, and
death.
People living in smaller cities, towns and rural areas of
Georgia, as well as poorer residents in the most densely populated big
cities, have an especially high proportion of residents at high risk for
the worst outcomes from the virus because of obesity, diabetes,
hypertension, and smoking. The issues here are more challenging than in
some other areas of the state.
Sixty-eight percent of the public
trust Dr. Fauci from the National Institutes of Health, and nurses are
the nation’s most-trusted profession for their honesty and ethics
according to a recent Gallup poll, as they have been for the last 18 years of the survey. Engineers and doctors are second and third .
While
many people, including those reading this op-ed, have their own
physician or health care professional that they work with for personal
health, they may still need to know more about the evolving research in
science behind vaccines and other public health practices. Health
professionals can translate uncertainties and controversies publicly in
ways outside the clinic through writing opinion pieces or speaking at
community events.
The task shouldn’t be left solely to media
commentators, even if they are sometimes reliable medical professionals.
Local engagement is key to success. Medical terms and reasoning can be
obscure to many people and need to be conveyed by trusted health
professionals that people may meet in their everyday lives. This
more-public role is an unaccustomed one for most professionals working
in healthcare, but it is a necessity now.
Health professionals in
Georgia can speak to and on behalf of their patients on issues that go
beyond direct virus ones, such as measles, flu and shingles vaccinations
and attention to substance abuse prevention.
Health professionals
can help Georgians understand the positions of the senatorial
candidates and in future local elections. For those who want to work
more politically, there are organizations such as Ask Nurses and Doctors
that provides guidance for responsible political expression of a
broader view on health system reform.
But now is the moment for
every health professional to widely distribute the “political vaccine”
against unreliable health information on the frontline because it is a
duty both for ourselves and our patients.
When I, Dr. Goldfield,
speak to my patients about the flu vaccine, they often broaden the
conversation, saying they do not want the COVID vaccine. I reassure them
that I and many others will be evaluating information on the virus
vaccine(s) safety. As these vaccines are made more available, they will
become an important addition to masks, distancing, handwashing, and,
yes, taking the flu vaccine too.
Issues of who gets earliest
access to the vaccines will also be an issue, in part because much of
the decision-making will rest with local entities like health systems
and regional health departments. Trust in the process will be linked to
who delivers and explains the rationale, and whether it is seen as
reasonably fair, even if it is imperfect.
The only true way to
honor the dead and sick COVID-19 victims and their families is to help
stop adding to their numbers. So let’s do this together, fellow health
professionals and citizens.
by Kirsten Swanson - Minnesota Eyewitness News - May 5, 2019
Her insurance company refused to cover the cost of the visit because
Mischler only needed "hydration," according to a lawsuit filed by her
family.
Max Tillitt was court-ordered into treatment for his heroin
addiction. He was forced to leave residential treatment early after his
insurance cut off funding, according to a class action lawsuit. Tillitt
died months later from an overdose his family says could have been
prevented had his insurance not been wrongfully denied.
A 5 INVESTIGATES review of medical, state and court records found
that health insurance companies have repeatedly denied coverage to
patients who are seeking treatment for mental health-related disorders.
While federal privacy laws make it difficult to know exactly how many
patients in Minnesota have been denied coverage, the practice became so
problematic at one point that it led to a landmark lawsuit by the
state's then Attorney General, a multi-million dollar settlement and
widespread reform that led to a drastic decrease in complaints.
Currently, attorneys say the number of patients being denied coverage
is once again trending in the wrong direction. As proof that the
problem is ongoing, they point to a recent class-action lawsuit in which
a federal judge said a Minnesota-based insurance company's guidelines—which determine which patients receive coverage—are "fundamentally flawed" and "tainted by financial interests."
"I really question how many people are out there, not getting the help that they need," said Jeannie Uhlenkamp, Sophia's mother.
Eating disorder coverage denied
After her diagnosis, Sophia Uhlenkamp, now 14, was in and out of
residential treatment for anorexia nervosa. Her mother said their health
insurance provider, Blue Cross Blue Shield of Minnesota, stopped
covering the more extensive type of care after six months even though
Sophia was still struggling to maintain her weight.
"All of a sudden, things weren't automatically covered," Jeannie Uhlenkamp said.
In 2017, Blue Cross suggested the teen should go instead to an "intensive outpatient treatment" program.
However, the Uhlenkamps live in Redwood Falls, more than two hours from any specialist or treatment center.
In a statement to 5 INVESTIGATES, Blue Cross said its criteria "didn't account for geographic distance" in the Uhlenkamp case.
The company's decision was later overturned by the Minnesota
Department of Commerce, which can review insurance denials in certain
cases.
Yet just months later, when Sophia relapsed, Blue Cross again denied to cover the cost of her treatment.
"We couldn't believe it," Jeannie Uhlenkamp said.
Blue Cross said it's since changed its policies based on the
Uhlenkamp's experience and is taking steps "to prevent this type of
issue from reoccurring."
Another family was forced to sue their insurance provider after exhausting their appeals.
OptumHealth, a subsidiary of Minnesota-based United Healthcare,
repeatedly refused to cover Brooke Mischler's eating disorder treatment,
including one instance in which her symptoms were so bad that she was
sent to the ER by her psychiatrist, according to court records.
"I needed that visit," Mischler said. "If I didn't, I don't think I would be here."
Yet, OptumHealth determined that Mischler was "not in immediate
danger of hurting herself" and only needed "hydration," according to the
lawsuit, which was later settled out of court.
Elizabeth Wrobel, who represented the Mischlers, specializes in
health insurance benefit disputes and said she finds the practice of
denying mental health disorders is not limited to a single company.
"It's an ongoing problem," Wrobel said.
No incentive to comply
Minnesota recognized the magnitude of the problem in the late 1990s,
when the Attorney General's office began receiving a large number of
health-related complaints against insurance companies.
In response, then-attorney general Mike Hatch sued Blue Cross Blue
Shield of Minnesota, claiming the provider had a pattern and practice of
improperly denying coverage to adolescent patients.
Hatch negotiated a settlement in 2002 in which Blue Cross paid more
than $8-million and agreed to have every denied claim reviewed by an
external panel within one business day.
"We then turned to Medica and Health Partners and said, 'You know,
you're up next,'" Hatch said. "Complaint levels went down to zero."
The settlement is lauded by patients, advocates and attorneys as a landmark moment in the fight for mental health coverage.
However, in 2007, the deal expired and the review panel dissolved.
Today, Hatch said he believes companies have reverted back to denying
coverage because "there's no incentive for them to comply."
Elizabeth Wrobel, the attorney who specializes in such cases, said,
"Instead of moving forward, we're probably moving backward."
Financially 'tainted' practice puts profits over patients
Wrobel says denying coverage for mental health disorders has once
again become a common practice because health insurance providers often
operate on their own set of internal guidelines instead of relying on
industry-adopted standards.
"So often, the guidelines don't match the disease," Wrobel said.
In March, a federal judge in California condemned United Healthcare's
guidelines for being based "as much or more on its own bottom line"
instead of with the interests of patients in mind.
Chief Magistrate Judge Joseph C. Spero found the company's process
was "fundamentally flawed" because it was tainted by "financial
interests."
In response to the ruling, United Healthcare told 5 INVESTIGATES that
the issue "underscores the pressing need to establish and gain
widespread adoption of clear, evidence-based treatment standards" for
mental health-related disorders.
The provider also said it is "committed to ensuring our members have access" to treatment.
Deadly consequences
DeeDee Tillitt, of Eden Prairie, argues that access was not given to
her son, Max, who died in 2015 of a heroin overdose after struggling
with substance abuse and addiction.
Tillitt, who was a named plaintiff in the class action lawsuit, said
months before his death, Max was court-ordered into treatment at
Beauterre Recovery Institute in Owatonna. He made it only 20 days.
"United Healthcare cut off funding saying basically, well he hasn't
used in 20 days, so he's OK to leave residential and go to outpatient,"
Tillitt said.
In a statement to 5 INVESTIGATES, United Healthcare said it has since changed its guidelines for substance use disorders.
Tillitt said she believes if Max could have stayed in residential treatment, he would be alive today.
"He was so motivated Tillitt said. "Max had a treatable disease. But he wasn't treated for it."
Minnesota-based health insurer ordered into court supervision for mental health coverage denials
by Kirsten Swanson - Minnesota Eyewitness News - December 18, 2020
A special court-appointed master will monitor the company over the
next 10 years, the November ruling from Chief Magistrate Judge Joseph C.
Spero said.
This comes after a landmark ruling in the mental health parity case.
In 2019, Judge Spero found UnitedHealth Group liable for wrongfully
denying coverage, stating the insurer used its own internal guidelines
that were "tainted by... financial interests..." and benefited the
company financially.
"I can't think of another case, another recent case, where a managed
behavioral health organization was essentially found of such pervasive
misconduct," said attorney Meiram Bendat of Psych Appeal, the
California-based law firm leading the class-action.
Bendat called this a watershed moment that exposes a loophole in the
federal mental health parity law and said that the decision should serve
as a stern warning to other health insurance companies.
"UBH is not the only company that engages in these kinds of practices," he said.
In 2019, 5 INVESTIGATES found families in Minnesota fighting mental
treatment denials from other insurers, according to medical, state and
court records.
"I believe that any insurer looking at this case is going to be well served to re-evaluate its conduct," Bendat said.
Dee Dee Tillitt, who lives in Minneapolis, joined the class-action
lawsuit as a named plaintiff after her son, Max, died of an overdose.
After being arrested in 2015, a judge ordered Max into treatment for
heroin addiction. Tillitt says her son spent 20 days at Beauterre
Recovery Institute in Owatonna until United Healthcare cut funding for
Max's treatment.
"You don't have to be a clinician to know 20 days of in-patient is
not enough to cure a three-year heroin habit," Tillitt said in a recent
interview.
Tillitt said she was thrilled with the court's ruling.
"We basically got everything we were seeking," she said. "Having a
special master in there watching them, they won't be able to slip back
into doing the bad practices."
In a statement to 5 INVESTIGATES, a UnitedHealth Group spokesperson
said the company has taken "concrete steps to improve access to quality
care," that includes expanding its provider network and increasing
access to telehealth.
"We are focused on ensuring our members get the quality,
compassionate care they need, and will continue working closely with
people across the behavioral health community on this important issue,"
the statement read.
Glancing at a photograph of Max on her fireplace mantle, Tillitt thinks what he would say about the ruling.
"Oh, he would love this," she said. "Max always wanted to help
people. I didn't want any other family to go through what I went
through."
‘Obamacare’ enrollment rising as COVID-19 pandemic deepens
The Centers for Medicaid and Medicaid Services said more than 8.2
million people had signed up through the close of open enrollment Dec.
15.
By RICARDO ALONSO-ZALDIVAR - Associated Press - December 18, 2020
The Centers for Medicaid and Medicaid Services said more than 8.2
million people had signed up through the close of open enrollment Dec.
15.
WASHINGTON — Sign-ups for “Obamacare” health insurance plans are
trending more than 6 percent higher amid surging coronavirus cases and
deepening economic misery, according to preliminary figures released
Friday by the government.
The Centers for Medicaid and Medicaid Services, or CMS, said more
than 8.2 million people had signed up through the close of open
enrollment Dec. 15 in the 36 states served by the federal HealthCare.gov
website.
An apples-to-apples comparison with last year’s sign-ups translates
to a 6.6 percent gain, the agency said. Unlike last year, two populous
states that had used the federal website are now running their own.
Numbers from New Jersey and Pennsylvania were not counted in Friday’s
tally from HealthCare.gov states. They’ll be reported in coming weeks,
along with those from other remaining states.
Created by former President Barack Obama’s health law, the insurance
markets offer taxpayer-subsidized private plans to more than 11 million
people who don’t have job-based coverage. Insurers cannot turn away
customers with pre-existing medical conditions. Medicaid expansion,
another component of the Affordable Care Act, covers about 12 million
people.
President Trump failed to repeal “Obamacare” his first year in
office, an early defeat he never forgot. Although Trump has been trying
to convince a skeptical Supreme Court to overturn the law in its
entirety, his administration took credit Friday for what officials
called a successful enrollment season.
“We’ve opened more pathways to enroll by taking advantage of private
sector and people are clearly finding the coverage they need at this
critical time,” CMS Administrator Seema Verma said in a statement.
Nonetheless, the Trump administration ignored calls to provide a special
sign-up period related to the pandemic, something President-elect Joe
Biden has said he will do.
Former Obama administration officials who keep a close eye on the health law celebrated.
“This is the largest increase in HealthCare.gov enrollment since 2016
and it’s the only increase during the Trump administration,” said
Joshua Peck, who once served as marketing chief for the program. It’s “a
testament to the role the ACA is playing in creating a strong safety
net.”
Some states that run their own enrollment campaigns are also
reporting stronger numbers. Maryland said this week it signed up more
than 166,000 people, a record.
Final numbers for HealthCare.gov, expected soon, will include people
who started their applications before the Dec. 15 deadline but weren’t
able to finish. Those usually track close to the preliminary results
reported Friday. The official national enrollment report will be
released sometime early next year, counting big states like California
and New York that run their own sign-up efforts.
Of some 28 million uninsured Americans before the pandemic, the
nonpartisan Kaiser Family Foundation estimates more than 16 million were
eligible for some form of subsidized coverage through the health law.
With coronavirus shutdowns leaving even more people uninsured, Biden
has pledged to build on the ACA to provide coverage to all Americans.
His path forward doesn’t look that easy, since he will come into office
with a closely divided Congress and most Republicans still opposed to
“Obamacare.”
ACA coverage starts Jan. 1 for those who signed up this year.
Surprise Medical Bills Cost Americans Millions. Congress Is Finally Set to Ban Most of Them.
Efforts to solve the common consumer problem had been stalled by lobbying pressure and legislative squabbles.
by Sarah Kliff and Margot Sanger-Katz - NYT - December 21, 2020
After years of being stymied by well-funded interests, Congress
has agreed to ban one of the most costly and exasperating practices in
medicine: surprise medical bills.
Surprise bills happen when an
out-of-network provider is unexpectedly involved in a patient’s care.
Patients go to a hospital that accepts their insurance, for example, but
get treated there by an emergency room physician who doesn’t. Such
doctors often bill those patients for large fees, far higher than what
health plans typically pay.
Language included in the $900 billion spending deal reached Sunday night and headed for final passage on Mondaywill
make those bills illegal. Instead of charging patients, health
providers will now have to work with insurers to settle on a fair price.
The new changes will take effect in 2022, and will apply to doctors,
hospitals and air ambulances, though not ground ambulances.
Academic researchers have found that millions of Americans receive these types of surprise bills each year, with as many as one in five emergency room visits resulting in such a charge. The bills most commonly come from health providers that patients are not able to select, such as emergency room physicians, anesthesiologists and ambulances. The average surprise charge for an emergency room visit is just above $600, but patients have received bills larger than $100,000 from out-of-network providers they did not select.
Some private-equity firms have turned this kind of billing into a robust business model, buying emergency room doctor groups and moving the providers out of network so they could bill larger fees.
Among the major consumer problems in the fiendishly complex health system, surprise billing was the rare Washington issue that both parties could get behind.
Health committee leaders have been engaged on the issue for years, as
has the White House. President-elect Joe Biden included the proposal in
his campaign health care agenda. It had the backing of many prominent
and powerful legislators, including Senator Lamar Alexander, Republican
of Tennessee and the retiring chairman of the Senate health committee.
A survey published Friday by the Kaiser Family Foundationfound that 80 percent of adults want the practice banned. More than a dozen states, including Texas and California, have passed bans of their own on surprise billing.
Even
so, the issue struggled to move through Congress as each policy
proposal faced an outcry from some faction of the health care industry.
“There
were a lot of things working in the legislation’s favor — it’s a
relatively targeted problem, it resonates very well with voters, and
it’s not a hyperpartisan issue among voters or Congress — and it was
still tough,” said Benedic Ippolito, a resident scholar at the American
Enterprise Institute, who helped explain the issue to lawmakers early in
the process. “It has almost everything going for it, and yet it was
still this complete slog.”
Hospitals and doctors, who
tend to benefit from the current system, fought to defeat solutions that
would lower their pay. Insurance companies and large insurers groups,
on the other hand, have wanted a stronger ability to negotiate lower
payments to the types of medical providers who can currently send
patients surprise bills.
Dealbook: An examination of the major business and policy headlines and the power brokers who shape them.
Legislation
nearly passed last December, but was scuttled at the 11th hour after
health providers lobbied aggressively against the deal. Private-equity
firms, which own many of the medical providers that deliver surprise
bills, poured tens of millions into advertisements opposing the plan. Committee chairs squabbled over jurisdictional issues and postponed the issue.
This
year, many of the same legislators behind last year’s failed effort
tried again, softening several provisions that had been most
objectionable to influential doctor and hospital lobbies. The current
version will probably not do as much to lower health care spending as
the previous version, but will still protect patients.
After years of defeats, consumer advocacy groups cheered the new legislation.
“This
was a real victory for American people against moneyed interests,” said
Frederick Isasi, executive director of Families USA. “This really was
about Congress recognizing in a bipartisan way the obscenity of families
who were paying insurance still having financial bombs going off.”
The final compromise would
require insurers and medical providers who cannot agree on a payment
rate to use an outside arbiter to decide. The arbiter would determine a
fair amount based, in part, on what other doctors and hospitals are
typically paid for similar services. Patients could be charged the kind
of cost sharing they would pay for in-network services, but nothing
more.
This type of policy is generally seen as more advantageous to health care providers than the other proposal Congress
considered, which would have minimized the role of arbiters and instead
set benchmark reimbursement rates. Several states have set up their own
arbitration systems, and have found that most price disputes are
negotiated before an arbiter is involved.
“If this bill will force
them to come to the table and negotiate a solution, it will be a
definite win for everybody,” said Christopher Garmon, an assistant
professor of health administration at the University of Missouri, Kansas
City, who has measured the scope of the problem.
The
new law will bar air ambulances from giving patients surprise bills.
These bills are infrequent but, when they do happen, tend to be very
large. This summer, a Pennsylvania coronavirus patient received a surprise air ambulance bill
that was over $52,000 for a flight between two hospitals that happened
while she was unconscious. States that ban surprise bills have been
prevented from tackling these cases because federal law bars them from
regulating air transit fees.
Ground ambulances, which generate a significant number of surprise bills, are excluded from the new law.
The Congressional Budget Office found that an earlier version of the plan would cause
small reductions to affected providers including emergency room doctors
and anesthesiologists. This would happen to providers that both do and
do not send surprise bills, because taking away the option would reduce
their leverage in negotiating contracts with health insurers.
Health
insurers tend to be disappointed with the new legislation, while
hospitals and doctors have offered a more mixed response. Some have
cited the coronavirus pandemic as a reason to delay new rules.
The American Medical Association sent a letter to
congressional leaders on Tuesday saying it was “deeply concerned” about
the possibility of lower reimbursement rates, “especially in light of
the significant financial pressures practices have faced in the last 10
months.”
TeamHealth, a large private-equity-owned physician staffing firm that has previously engaged in surprise billing,
called the agreement “a significant improvement over the catastrophic
proposals advanced by major insurance companies over the past two
years.”
The American Hospital Association, the country’s largest hospital group, opposed a recent version of the new rules, while the Federation of American Hospitals, which represents private hospitals, supported it.
This Is the Health System That Biden Inherits From Trump
With medical spending down for the first time in decades, gains in care for the poor and vulnerable are under threat.
by Sarah Kliff - NYT - December 18, 2020
President-elect Joe Biden
will inherit a health system that is trying to care for a population
made sicker by both coronavirus and skipped preventive care, all while
trying to make up for money lost in 2020.
But he’ll face another
immediate challenge: Hospitals that tend to care for the poor and the
vulnerable are facing major financial pressure, while wealthier hospital
systems expect to emerge slightly bruised but not broken.
“This
is all going to push inequality up,” said Alan Morgan, president of the
National Rural Health Association. “There is no way around that.”
The
policies that Mr. Biden decides to pursue in his first months as
president — for example, how to pay for telemedicine visits as the
pandemic continues, or whether to pursue additional stimulus for health
providers — will be crucial in shaping the long-term future of the
health system.
“Any crisis produces change, and this
one will clearly produce big change,” said David Cutler, a health
economist at Harvard who served as a health care adviser in the Obama
administration. “We don’t know yet if it will be good or bad.”
For
decades, American doctors and hospitals have been accustomed to
constant spending growth. But 2020 has been on track to be the only year
in this era when health care spending goes down. Even with the pandemic
overwhelming some providers’ capacity, they seem set to lose money
because of the scores of profitable elective procedures canceled this
spring.
For Mr. Biden, this is likely to mean fights between
hospitals, insurers and patient advocates, who fear that the gains in
equality made from the Affordable Care Act have been eroded. Health
providers that typically care for vulnerable populations may face tough
choices between closing or selling to a larger competitor.
“The
health care system lost a ton of money when people didn’t show up in
March and April,” Mr. Cutler said. “It’s not clear it’s going to get
that money back. I fully expect we’ll see a wave of providers go under,
demand higher prices, and demand bailouts.”
Insurance
enrollment increased significantly during the 2010s, largely a result
of the Affordable Care Act’s coverage expansion. Even with some
backsliding under President Trump, the uninsured rate is still lower than it was at the start of the decade, about 9 percent last year versus 16 percent in 2010.
This
past decade’s growth didn’t just mean more dollars flowing into
hospitals and doctor’s offices. It also appears to have made access to
health care, and certain health outcomes, more equal.
The health
law’s coverage expansion, for example, had an outsize impact in
providing insurance to Black Americans and Latinos, and reducing
disparities in uninsured rates. In 2013, there was a gap of 25.7
percentage points between the uninsured rates for Hispanic and white
Americans. By 2018, that figure had fallen to 16.3 percentage points, a study from the nonprofit Commonwealth Fund showed.
The Medicaid expansion in many states is credited with keeping rural hospitals up and running. Some research has found that the expansion has reduced unequal outcomes in areas like maternal and infant mortality.
Now
experts see those gains eroding. The change started under the Trump
administration, which cut health law advertising and allowed states to
impose new restrictions on Medicaid enrollment. One million Americans
lost coverage between 2017 and 2019; experts were especially alarmed by declining public coverage among children.
The trend accelerated with the pandemic and a sharp decline this spring in medical revenue. Across the country, hospitals lost billions as patients canceled lucrative procedures like hip replacements and cataract surgery. Primary care doctors struggled to stay open as preventive care appointments plunged.
Federal aid offset some but not all of those losses. Experts who study
the health system now think much of the care canceled this spring will
not be rescheduled.
Safety-net health systems, which by mission or
mandate give care regardless of people’s ability to pay, say they’re
already starting to see richer hospitals pulling further ahead.
Employment in the health sector is recovering: About two-thirds of the
1.5 million jobs lost during the recession have come back. But there’s
some evidence those gains aren’t being distributed equally.
Mr.
Morgan, of the rural health association, hears from members who say
they’re struggling to retain nurses. Some workers are getting
better-paying offers from wealthier health systems in need of traveling
nurses to help fight the pandemic.
“Two weeks ago, I heard from a hospital chief executive saying
he was losing his clinical staff because they can make more money
elsewhere,” he said. “His clinical staff is getting knocked offline in
the middle of a pandemic. It’s a work force crunch.”
Margaret Mary
Health System, which operates a 90-year-old nonprofit hospital in rural
Indiana, expects to run a 4 percent deficit this year even after
accounting for federal aid payments. The hospital has treated hundreds
of coronavirus patients, who have sometimes occupied 23 of the
hospital’s 25 beds.
“The thing that makes this all so difficult is
how hard we’ve worked this year,” said Tim Putnam, the hospital’s chief
executive. “We’ve put in so much to serve our community, and it’s tough
to face a loss as the financial outcome.”
Before the pandemic,
Margaret Mary executives felt it was on solid financial footing. The
hospital received a boost from Indiana’s Medicaid expansion in 2015.
Things looked so good last year that it decided to buy a new electronic
medical record system.
Now, Margaret Mary is bracing
for even heavier financial losses after Indiana announced Thursday it
would once again suspend elective health care procedures.
“It’s
hard to determine where this ends up until we figure out how the
pandemic ends,” Mr. Putnam said. “To remain viable, to continue to serve
our community, we’ve got to do better than break even, and we’ve got to
find a way to do it in 2021.”
North Oaks Medical Center in
Hammond, La., is a public hospital that serves predominantly low-income
patients. It was projecting its “best financial year in the hospital’s
history” before the pandemic struck, said the chief executive officer,
Michele Sutton.
Instead, it ended up furloughing many workers this
spring in an effort to break even. North Oaks ran into problems that a
hospital with wealthier patients wouldn’t face — like the fact many of
its patients did not have access to internet reliable enough to support
video doctor visits.
“Because of our parish being poor, we didn’t
have a lot of access to telemedicine,” Ms. Sutton said. “We didn’t have
the fiber-optic capacity.”
Her hospital had to do extra work to
set up stations where doctors could video-chat with their patients, a
cost other health systems didn’t have to bear. Now, it’s bracing for
another difficult year treating sicker patients.
“We’re seeing an
increase in suicide, a lot more stroke, a lot more heart attack,” Ms.
Sutton said, “and a decline in routine maintenance for fear of
contracting Covid.”
Some of the early decisions facing
the Biden team are small, practical ones: Should Medicare continue
paying the high but temporary reimbursement rates it offered for
telemedicine visits this year, a signal that would encourage private
plans to do the same?
“Imagine I’m a primary care practice, I’ve
taken a big financial hit already, and I’m trying to decide: Do I make a
big investment in telemedicine or not?” said Dr. Ateev Mehrotra, a
Harvard health researcher. “It’s tough for a clinical practice to not
know what you’ll get paid in a week or two.”
Other decisions are bigger, like whether to provide additional stimulus funding for health providers and how to allocate it.
Doctors
know patients have been putting off some kinds of care and are bracing
for the consequences. Dr. Mehrotra and his colleagues published research
this week finding that fewer patients are starting opioid addiction
treatment during the pandemic, as some providers feel uncomfortable
prescribing a new drug without an in-person meeting.
The Biden
administration’s policies will help determine how providers care for
this sicker population while health insurance coverage is declining. To
increase sign-ups, the administration could use waivers expanding
Medicaid coverage or restore the Affordable Care Act’s advertising
budget. Bigger coverage expansions, like a public option that would
allow all Americans to sign up for Medicare, would require congressional
approval.
“There’s a big population I’m really worried about that
has diabetes, hypertension and heart failure, and deferred all this
care,” Dr. Mehrotra said. “The accumulation of not getting care will
result in complications. But at this point it’s unclear what exactly
those complications of illness will look like.”
US healthcare workers protest chaos in hospitals' vaccine rollout
Key personnel miss out on first wave of life-saving shots
Stanford doctors speak out on behalf of frontline staff
by Allexandra Real - The Guardian - December 20, 2020
Frontline healthcare workers saw their hopes dashed last week when a
botched algorithm, crashing scheduling platforms and other logistical
mishaps thwarted their efforts to be among the first in the US to
receive a long-awaited coronavirus vaccine.
Amid a surge in infections
overwhelming hospitals around the US, doctors were incensed by
administrative failures that denied access to the potentially
life-saving shots, even as they volunteered to work in intensive care
units or looked after the critically ill.
Christine Santiago is an internal medicine resident with Stanford Health Care in California, where ICU availability is at 2% statewide.
“I
think that there’s a sense of disappointment in not really being
considered,” she said, “despite sort of being held up as like, you know,
‘healthcare heroes’, and being on the frontlines.
“Maybe it was just words.”
More than 100 Stanford doctors
protested on Friday, standing up for respiratory therapists,
environmental services workers, nursing staff, residents and fellows who
interact with patients. They were unable to lay claim to initial doses
of the vaccine, even as they learned that employees doing telehealth
from home had nabbed slots.
Residents
– doctors completing their training after medical school – were
especially frustrated because they were being asked to volunteer for the
Covid ICU but Stanford’s algorithm was not prioritizing them for
vaccination.
Ronald Witteles, program director at Stanford’s internal medicine residency program, tweeted that the vaccine rollout “was an absolute mess” and “one of the most upsetting 24 hours I have ever experienced”.
Stanford
Medicine said it took “complete responsibility for the errors in the
execution of our vaccine distribution plan”, which it was “immediately
revising”.
“Our intent was to develop an ethical and equitable
process for distribution of the vaccine,” the statement said. “We
apologize to our entire community, including our residents, fellows, and
other frontline care providers, who have performed heroically during
our pandemic response.”
On the east coast, doctors in Boston’s
Mass General Brigham system were also distraught. After the online
scheduling platform crashed, employees filed into a long line on
Thursday morning to sign up for shots in-person. But staff in emergency
departments couldn’t abandon their patients. Once appointments came back
online, availability vanished in minutes, a rush one physician likened
to buying tickets to see Taylor Swift.
“It has converted it [into]
almost like a parking spot, you know?” said the doctor, who spoke on
condition of anonymity. “It’s almost become an employee perk that
everyone’s rushing to get as soon as they can.”
In an email to
leadership that was ultimately not sent, the physician described how
“employee was pitted against employee in a dystopian race” and how “what
should have been a moment of triumph for medicine and the healthcare
system writ large was instead clouded by the dysfunction that hospitals
are known for only too well”.
Other disappointed healthcare
professionals posted screenshots on social media, showing error messages
received instead of appointments.
“In attempting to prove I am not a robot repeatedly, I watched every date and time slip away,” tweeted George Alba, a pulmonary and critical care physician at Massachusetts General Hospital.
He added: “We got crushed by a boulder of operational failure.”
A spokesman said Mass General Brigham was following priorities set by the commonwealth of Massachusetts
with guidance from the federal Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention, and that “the first group is deliberately inclusive of the
role groups who are involved in the care of Covid patients”.
“While
we have now scheduled as many appointments as our initial supply
allows, we expect to receive a significant shipment of vaccine in the
coming days,” he said.
Tufts Medical Center experienced similar issues with online signup, the Boston Globe reported.
As
the US mounts a historic vaccination campaign, such hiccups could prove
a harbinger of problems affecting Americans at large, Santiago warned.
“It’s
more [about] lessons learned for when this really is gonna be
distributed on a large scale for the rest of the population,” she said.
The troubles were yet another blow to frontline workers enduring a year in which more than 317,000 in the US have died from the coronavirus.
“I’m
going to try to focus on being happy for everyone who managed to get a
vaccine slot, and not on my personal inability to do the same,” tweeted Yuval Raz, a doctor at Mass General. “I mean, I’m probably going to fail and thr
The vaccine will be covered for people with private insurance, according to guidelines released by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS).
“Health
insurers whose plans are subjected to the coverage of preventive
services without cost-sharing requirement under the Public Health
Service Act are not allowed to bill patients for the administration of
the COVID-19 vaccine,” said Anh Nguyen, PhD, a health economics expert and assistant professor of economics at Carnegie Mellon University’s Tepper School of Business.
Nguyen noted that this applies to both in-network and out-of-network providers.
Private insurers such as Blue Cross Blue Shield (BCBS) and Oscar Health confirmed members will pay $0 for the vaccine.
“If
the primary purpose of a patient’s visit is to receive the COVID-19
vaccine, BCBS companies will cover the vaccine, administration services,
and the office visit at no cost-share to the patient, even if the
appointment is out-of-network, per regulations issued by CMS,” a BCBS
spokesperson told Healthline.
If the doctor’s visit includes health services unrelated to COVID-19, the person may be charged.
“If
a patient receives additional, non-COVID-19 care at the same
appointment, patients will be covered for those services in accordance
with their health plan,” the BCBS spokesperson said.
Oscar
Health, too, has committed to providing the vaccine for free to its
members. There will be no charge for the vaccine itself or for the
doctor’s visit associated with the immunization, Oscar Health confirmed.
“People receiving the COVID-19 vaccine will not be billed with
copays or unexpected administrative fees,” an Oscar Health spokesperson
said. “Based on guidance so far from the federal government, plans and
issuers must cover COVID vaccines without cost sharing.”
According to Nguyen, this coverage benefit doesn’t apply to certain alternative healthcare plans, such as short-term limited duration insurance. Individuals on alternative plans may be subjected to copay or administration costs related to the vaccine.
Some states may require these plans to cover costs related to COVID-19 similarly to how they did with testing for the disease.
The CMS also states there will be no vaccine costs, administration fees, or deductibles for people on Medicare.
Any
COVID-19 vaccine that receives Food and Drug Administration (FDA)
authorization “will be covered under Medicare as a preventive vaccine at
no cost to beneficiaries,” the CMS states on its website.
COVID-19
CMS released a set of toolkits for
providers, states and insurers to help the health care system prepare
to swiftly administer the vaccine once it is available. These resources
are designed to increase the number of providers that can administer
the vaccine and ensure adequate reimbursement for administering the
vaccine in Medicare, while making it clear to private insurers and
Medicaid programs their responsibility to cover the vaccine at no charge
to beneficiaries. In addition, CMS is taking action to increase
reimbursement for any new COVID treatments that are approved by the FDA.
Health care providers will play
an important role when a COVID-19 vaccine(s) becomes available. CMS is
committed to ensuring you have the necessary tools to respond to the
COVID-19 public health emergency. In anticipation of safe and effective
COVID-19 vaccines being available in the future, we’re issuing this
toolkit to help health care providers prepare to administer vaccines.
Because the initial supply of COVID-19 vaccines will be federally
purchased, this toolkit primarily focuses on coverage of vaccine
administration. Vaccine doses purchased with U.S. taxpayer dollars will
be given to the American people at no cost. Providers that participate
in the CDC COVID-19 Vaccination Program contractually agree to
administer a COVID-19 vaccine regardless of an individual’s ability to
pay and regardless of their coverage status, and also may not seek any
reimbursement, including through balance billing, from a vaccine
recipient. Providers who have questions about billing or reimbursement
of vaccine administration for patients covered by private insurance or
Medicaid should contact the respective health plan or state Medicaid
agency. People without health insurance or whose insurance does not
provide coverage of the vaccine can also get COVID-19 vaccine at no
cost. Providers administering the vaccine to people without health
insurance or whose insurance does not provide coverage of the vaccine
can request reimbursement for the administration of the COVID-19 vaccine
through the Provider Relief Fund.
We’ll update this toolkit as new information becomes available.
This toolkit includes information to describe:
How health care providers can enroll in Medicare to bill for administering COVID-19 vaccines when available
The COVID-19 Vaccine Medicare coding structure
The Medicare reimbursement strategy for COVID-19 vaccine administration
How health care providers can bill correctly for administering vaccines, including roster and centralized billing
*Updated* Additionally,
you can find information about a monoclonal antibody infusion for
treating COVID-19. During the COVID-19 public health emergency (PHE),
Medicare will cover and pay for these infusions the same way it covers
and pays for COVID-19 vaccines (when furnished consistent with the EUA)
Black Men Have the Shortest Lifespans of Any Americans. This Theory Helps Explain Why.
The unrelenting stress of fighting systemic
racism can alter a body’s normal functioning until it starts to wear
down. The theory, known as John Henryism, helps explain racial health
disparities.
COVID-19
has killed many young Black men with deadly efficiency. When ProPublica
reporters began collecting their stories and speaking to health experts
to understand why, their efforts led them to a little-known body of
research that takes its name from one of the most enduring symbols of
Black American resilience.
Sherman
James is a social epidemiologist who has spent the past four decades
exploring why Black men have higher rates of diseases that lead to
shorter lifespans than all other Americans.
His
conclusion is that the constant stress of striving to succeed in the
face of social inequality and structural racism can cause lasting
physical damage.
“The stress is enormous. And people, people don’t give up,” James said.
“That persistence, working twice as hard, over time can really impair multiple physiological systems.”
Who Was John Henry?
As
the legend goes, John Henry was a steel-driving man who defeated a
steam-powered drill and died with a hammer in his hand. The folktale
celebrates one man's victory against seemingly insurmountable odds. But
it holds another, harsher truth: his determination and strength are also
what killed him.
The
John Henry of contemporary social theory is a man striving to get ahead
in an unequal society. The effort of confronting that machine, day in
and day out, leads to stress so corrosive that it physically changes
bodies, causing Black men to age quicker, become sicker and die younger
than nearly any other U.S. demographic group.
“It's
this striving to make something of themselves … to live their lives
with dignity and purpose and to be successful against extraordinary
circumstances,” James said.
What Is John Henryism?
Black people have much higher rates
of hypertension, obesity, diabetes and strokes than white people do,
and they develop those chronic conditions up to 10 years earlier.
Studies link these health problems to stress. The unique, unrelenting
strain caused by racism can alter a body’s normal functioning until it
starts to wear down. John Henrys, who battle with an unequal system as
they try to get ahead in life, bear the consequences in their bodies.
“The stress,” James said, “is going to be far more overwhelming than it
has a human right to be.”
The
stress-linked underlying conditions that Black people develop younger
are the very ones that make people more vulnerable to the worst outcomes
from the coronavirus. When the Brookings Institution examined COVID-19 deaths by race, Black people were dying at roughly the same rate as white people more than a decade older.
“They could have done so much more had the struggle not been so intense,” James said. “They were cut down too soon.”
It’s tempting to heap blame on the owners of America’s nursing
homes—to argue that the pursuit of profits led to poor care and so many
coronavirus-related deaths.
The reality, however, is more complex.
AARP asked me to explore the business of nursing homes and the
culpability of their owners for what has transpired. Clearly most
operators reacted to the pandemic as best they could. But what I found
was that the industry’s complex and murky financial structure fails to
safeguard the health of residents and staff.
While the overall profits reaped by owners are secret, COVID-19 is
clearly hurting nursing homes financially. Fully 55 percent of them
claim to be losing money, and 72 percent say they may not be able to
sustain operations for another year, according to an August survey by
the American Health Care Association and the National Center for
Assisted Living.
Even the nation’s largest nursing home chain, Genesis HealthCare,
says it’s in jeopardy. Genesis, with 360 facilities in 25 states, said
in August there was “substantial doubt” about its ability to survive for
the next 12 months.
“If there isn’t more money coming in, many members will face
decisions about shrinking the number of beds or even closing their
doors,” says Katie Smith Sloan, CEO of LeadingAge, an organization that
represents nonprofit nursing homes.
Here is what you need to know to understand the business of nursing homes, and to what extent they caused the mess they are in.
The nation’s 15,600 nursing homes generated about $166
billion in revenue in 2017—a little more than what U.S. hotels took in
by renting out their rooms. And nursing homes receive about the same
amount for most of their residents as nice hotels get for a night’s
stay.
But the similarities end there. For example, roughly 30 percent of
nursing homes are owned by nonprofit organizations predominantly
affiliated with religious groups, ethnic aid societies and social
service agencies. They strive to maximize revenue and efficiency, but
any unspent revenue is used to improve and expand their facilities and
services.
The remaining 70 percent of homes are for-profit — free to pay out
income to owners once they cover operating expenses and other
obligations. Owners include national chains, regional chains and
stand-alone facilities. About 1 in 7 for-profit homes are controlled by
private equity investors — something that can be problematic, as I’ll
explain shortly.
To understand nursing homes’ finances, you have to start with their
revenue. Three-fifths of the nation’s 1.3 million nursing home
residents’ fees are paid by Medicaid,
the federal-state insurance program for low-income Americans. These
older adults (and people with disabilities) often spend their remaining
years in a nursing home, at taxpayers’ expense.
How profitable is the Medicaid business? It depends on whom you ask.
The average Medicaid payment, which varies by state, is around $200 per
resident per day. But unlike a hotel charging that price, nursing homes
have to provide hands-on care that many residents need with their daily
activities. They also must provide meals, medical services and more.
Nursing home operators consistently say that $200 doesn’t cover their
costs. Industry critics aren’t so quick to agree, citing owners’ opaque
finances and multiple income sources (more on that later). “We don’t
know whether Medicaid rates are too low or not,” says
Charlene Harrington, a University of California, San Francisco, professor emerita who has studied nursing homes for decades.
What is clear is that the share of this revenue spent on paying and training personnel
isn’t enough. The industry’s staff turnover is high, and there’s a
critical shortage of people qualified to provide patient care. This
detracts from residents’ well-being at any time, but it’s proven
especially dangerous in 2020.
And $200 a day isn’t enough to fund a deep well of supplies or to
have private rooms available that might reduce the spread of infection.
It has been especially inadequate this year, when facilities faced
suddenly skyrocketing costs for infection-control supplies and tests.
Well before the coronavirus blindsided the industry,
the numbers were bleak. Consider the most recent report of the
government’s Medicare Payment Advisory Commission. In 2018, MedPAC
found, nursing homes had an operating profit margin of negative 3
percent on patients paid for by Medicaid and other non-Medicare sources.
In other words, for every $100 they took in for these residents, they
spent $103 on their care — clearly a losing proposition. During the
pandemic, no doubt the math got worse.
A Lopsided Model
Medicare pays for relatively few nursing home residents, but provides
a major portion of the home’s revenue. These figures show 2019
inpatient revenue for Genesis Health Care, the nation’s largest chain.
If caring for Medicaid residents is such a poor business, how have
nursing homes stayed afloat all these years? The answer is, chiefly,
Medicare. While Medicare doesn’t pay for long-term nursing home care, it does cover skilled services
and therapy for up to 100 days after a patient is discharged from a
hospital. And it pays very well. In 2019, for example, Genesis
HealthCare received $535 per resident per day from Medicare — about 2½
times the $215 it got for Medicaid patients.
Yes, Medicare residents usually need more care than Medicaid
residents. Even so, Medicare is more profitable: For every $100 that
nursing homes receive on behalf of these patients, an average of $10 is
left over after subtracting the cost of the care — not a loss of $3.
The upshot is that nursing homes rely on a relatively small number of
well-paying residents to make up for the money they say they lose on
the rest. “It’s not a structure anyone would have designed from the
outset,” says R. Tamara Konetzka, a professor of health services
research at the University of Chicago.
Not surprisingly, nursing homes strive to admit more Medicare
patients to offset what they say are losses on Medicaid. But that can
lead to bad care decisions, Konetzka says, such as encouraging nursing
homes to send Medicaid residents to the hospital so they can return as
higher-paying Medicare patients.
This year, some nursing homes evicted Medicaid residents in favor of COVID-19
patients receiving care at the higher Medicare rate, according to The New York Times and other news outlets. Inappropriate discharges have long been a top complaint to long-term care ombudsmen nationwide; AARP Foundation has fought the practice in the courts.
This dependence on Medicare patients has proven hazardous for
nursing homes this year. Starting in March, hospitals and patients
canceled or delayed many elective procedures, and roughly 10 percent
fewer Medicare patients were sent to skilled nursing facilities for
rehabilitation, according to MedPAC. Overall nursing home occupancy
dropped from 83.4 percent to 74.8 percent from March through June,
according to the National Investment Center for Seniors Housing &
Care, a research group that compiles nursing home data for investors.
Between May and October, the federal government pumped more than $21
billion into the industry in the form of grants, loans and advance
Medicare payments. Only $2.5 billion of that had usage stipulations;
it’s unknown how much of the aid went to stop the spread of COVID-19.
“Nursing homes can use it to shore up their bottom lines if they want
to,” says Elaine Ryan, AARP’s vice president of government affairs for
state advocacy. “We might never know where the money went.”
Profits and Private Equity Can Eat Into Care
Beyond the problematic payment system, researchers and
policymakers question whether the for-profit ownership structure of most
nursing homes is the best model for delivering care.
A number of research studies have found that for-profit nursing homes
generally have significantly lower staffing levels and quality of care
than nonprofit facilities, as measured by the Nursing Home Compare
quality star rating system run by the government’s Centers for Medicare
& Medicaid Services (CMS).
Of particular concern to industry followers are the estimated 10
percent of America’s nursing homes owned by private equity (PE)
investment groups. Bankrolled by institutional investors and wealthy
individuals, these PE firms typically buy businesses, make efficiency
and/or cost-cutting changes to increase their apparent value, then sell
them within three to five years. PE firms often borrow money against the
businesses’ assets and receive management fees as well as a share of
profits when the enterprises are sold.
Here’s their usual practice as it pertains to nursing homes,
according to Harvard University professor of health care policy David
Grabowski and other researchers: A firm will buy a nursing home, then
place its buildings and other real estate — nursing homes’ most valuable
asset— in a separate holding company. Other companies also owned by the
investors will start providing management, laundry, supplies and other
services to the nursing home. These ownership structures make it hard to
figure out who is responsible for the quality of care and how to
recover damages if a resident is injured, says Ashvin Gandhi, a health
economist at UCLA who has studied private equity and nursing homes.
Once a nursing home starts paying these related companies, says
Grabowski, the home may appear to be struggling, while at the same time
the owners are making money from their other entities. The nursing home
itself ends up saddled with debts incurred to pay off lenders who
financed the PE firm’s purchase.
“The main reason these for-profit companies are in the nursing home
business is to extract money through management contracts and lease
agreements,” UCSF’s Harrington says. “They scream they have no money,
but they’ve legally taken money out through all these related-party
transactions.”
Deals like these have been going on for more than 20 years. Other
for-profit firms have engaged in similar practices, separating out their
real estate holdings and striking management and supply deals with
related firms.
“Every dollar they squeeze out of a nursing home for profit is a
dollar that isn’t going to the care of the residents,” says Patrick
Woodall, a senior researcher at Americans for Financial Reform, a
national coalition of consumer and civil rights groups.
Solutions, sadly, seem far off. “People get concerned when
stories of poor nursing home care come out,” Konetzka says. “But
politicians never run for office on a platform of raising taxes to
improve Medicaid reimbursement.”
The industry itself isn’t always eager for change; it often lobbies
at both the federal and state levels to oppose long-term care reforms.
Ultimately, a group effort will be necessary, says Bob Kramer,
founder of the National Investment Center for Seniors Housing &
Care: “It will take partnerships between the federal government, states,
the long-term care industry and insurers to change the system and
ensure that people can afford the care they need.”
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