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Saturday, July 16, 2016

Health Care Reform Articles - July 16, 2016

Obama Offers Ways to Improve His Health Care Law

by Robert Pear - NYT

WASHINGTON — After defending the Affordable Care Act in all its intricacies for six years, President Obama proposed ways to improve it on Monday, saying that Congress should provide larger subsidies for private health insurance and create a public plan like Medicare to compete with private insurers in some states.
At the same time, he accused the pharmaceutical industry of trying to protect its profits by opposing any constraints on drug prices.
Mr. Obama offered his views in a valedictory message summarizing what he sees as his legacy on health care, together with his ideas to improve the Affordable Care Act.
He said he was proud of the progress of the last six years, especially the fact that 20 million people had gained coverage because of the law. But he acknowledged that — despite the title of the law — health care and health insurance were still unaffordable for some people.
“Too many Americans still strain to pay for their physician visits and prescriptions, cover their deductibles or pay their monthly insurance bills; struggle to navigate a complex, sometimes bewildering system; and remain uninsured,” Mr. Obama said in an article published online in The Journal of the American Medical Association.
Continue reading the main story
The article can be read as an effort by Mr. Obama to entrench his approach to health care, which is sure to be debated fiercely by candidates for president and Congress in this election year. Without mentioning names, Mr. Obama aligns himself more closely with the presumptive Democratic nominee, Hillary Clinton, who wants to build on the Affordable Care Act, and he rebuts her Republican counterpart, Donald J. Trump, who promises to replace “this horrible, stupid Obamacare” with “something that’s great.”
The number of uninsured has dropped to 29 million, from 49 million in 2010, Mr. Obama said. Many of those who remain uninsured want coverage but say they cannot afford it, he said. Accordingly, he wrote, Congress should increase federal financial assistance to help people buy coverage through public marketplaces like HealthCare.gov.
The online exchanges will be a viable source of coverage “for decades to come,” Mr. Obama said, but “further adjustments and recalibrations will likely be needed.”
Of the 11 million people with marketplace coverage, 85 percent receive tax credits that, on average, cover nearly three-fourths of their premium costs. But for some, said Kristie Canegallo, a deputy chief of staff at the White House, the “tax credits aren’t big enough.”
Mr. Obama said the health law was costing less than originally projected, so Congress could provide more generous subsidies while still keeping federal costs below initial estimates.
White House officials said that Mr. Obama’s purpose in writing the article was to start a discussion and suggest a direction for elected officials and future policy makers, but that he would not be offering detailed new legislative proposals to carry out his ideas.
Based on his experience in the last few years, Mr. Obama said, Congress should establish “a public plan to compete alongside private insurers in areas of the country where competition is limited.”
Most of the country has benefited from competition in the marketplaces, and 88 percent of the people who have enrolled live in counties where at least three insurers offer plans, Mr. Obama said. But, he said, the remaining 12 percent are in areas with only one or two insurers.
Jason Furman, the chairman of Mr. Obama’s Council of Economic Advisers, said, “A public option would be one way to make sure that there was competition everywhere.”
In the debate on health care in 2009 and 2010, Mr. Obama said he supported the idea of a public option, but he did not always insist on it, and the administration sent mixed signals about how important it was.
Reviving the idea on Monday, Mr. Obama said a public plan — in places lacking competition — would give consumers more affordable options while also saving money for the government.
“Public programs like Medicare often deliver care more cost-effectively,” by securing better prices from health care providers, Mr. Obama said. Critics say the savings result, in large part, from price controls imposed by federal laws and regulations.
Mrs. Clinton has proposed her own approach, which would allow people to buy into Medicare.
Medical journals nowadays are full of articles on health policy, but Mr. Obama’s is strikingly different in one respect. It includes a blistering attack on Republicans, who he said had tried to sabotage the health care law “through inadequate funding, opposition to routine technical corrections, excessive oversight and relentless litigation.”
Mr. Obama accused Republicans of “hyperpartisanship” without saying what he might have done differently. The law was adopted without any Republican votes, and to this day, polls show public opinion almost evenly split between favorable and unfavorable views of it.
The president described Medicaid as “a critical piece of unfinished business.” Because of Republican opposition, he said, 19 states have not expanded Medicaid eligibility. If they did, he said, four million fewer people would be uninsured.
Mr. Obama also assailed “special interests,” suggesting that the pharmaceutical industry has been particularly bad.
Drug companies, he wrote, “oppose any change to drug pricing, no matter how justifiable and modest, because they believe it threatens their profits.”
Continue reading the main story
In conclusion, Mr. Obama predicted that history would vindicate his work. “Looking back 20 years from now,” he said, “the nation will be better off because of having the courage to pass this law and persevere.”


Obama on Obamacare’s Flaws: An Assessment

by Reed Abelson and Margot Sanger-Katz - NYT
President Obama has published an essay on Obamacare in The Journal of the American Medical Association. While it hit a lot of the Affordable Care Act’s high points, it was also pretty frank that the health law has some weaknesses that need to be fixed. Margot Sanger-Katz and Reed Abelson, two New York Times reporters who have been covering Obamacare, discuss the policy changes that the president wants.
Margot: Were you surprised by his acknowledgment of problems? I know I was.
Reed: I thought he was pretty realistic in talking about the need to make various fixes to the law. That’s been an issue since it was passed in 2010. There is a fairly broad consensus that the law could be changed to make it work better, even among its supporters. What did surprise me was the president’s admission that affordability remains a real concern for many people, even with subsidies.
Margot: But the president wasn’t talking about little tweaks. I feel that he recommended at least two pretty substantial policy changes. The idea of offering more subsidies to buy health insurance has been talked about before, but certainly not by the Obama administration. His essay seems like a real acknowledgment that health insurance still isn’t affordable enough for some people. We’ve talked beforeabout hearing from higher-income people who still can’t afford health insurance. Between premiums and deductibles, some people are spending more than 25 percent of their incomes on care, according to an Urban Institute report.
Reed: Some of that problem with high prices was supposed to be solved by more competition among health insurance companies. Which gets to the second important change, I think: adding a Medicare-like public plan in areas of the country where there remain too few companies offering plans on the state marketplaces. (I notice the president didn’t dwell on the increasing number of failures among the co-ops, the nonprofit insurers created by the law to serve as something akin to the so-called “public option.”)
The fact that the president admitted that the law had not succeeded in increasing competition everywhere was an important concession. But what do you think of the idea of having a government-operated plan compete along with private insurers, something along the lines of what Medicare does today with the private Medicare Advantage plans?
Margot: I think the public option was definitely the biggest headline out of the president’s piece. And it’s interesting to see so many Democrats converge around this policy idea, which was talked about when the Affordable Care Act was being written, but was ultimately axed from the law because of lack of support. Hillary Clinton just came out strongly for something similar over the weekend, though she’s expressed milder support before. And Bernie Sanders was also cheering for a public option during his Clinton endorsement speech Tuesday. Seems like a real shift leftward for two out of three of them. Considering that a public option has almost no chance of passing in Congress, it’s unclear why it is having such a moment. I guess it’s a good political halfway point between Obamacare as it exists, and a single-payer system, which excites a lot of Democratic voters.
But even if it didn’t have political problems, do you think a government health plan could work the way the president described it? His essay said that it would become a sort of fallback, operating only in places where competition is limited. It’s hard to imagine a public plan that jumps in and out of the market in places every year.
Reed: I confess I have a hard time envisioning a government plan available in only certain places. Traditional Medicare is always an option everywhere. A lack of competition is a signal that the economics don’t work for a private insurer in a given geographic area, and I’m not sure how a public option in those markets changes things, although it does offer someone more choice. Another possibility would be that you could increase subsidies for those areas or try other ways to make it more attractive for insurers to sell policies in those markets.
Margot: When you talk to people who advocate a public option, the theory is that it’ll help keep insurers honest by providing some competition from low-cost plans. But I wonder how that will work in practice. One big advantage that a Medicare-like plan might have is the ability to pay less to doctors and hospitals than many commercial plans. But if the public option is really able to underprice the private options by a lot, why would they stay in the market?
Reed: When it was first floated, the insurers objected because they simply don’t have the pricing power of Medicare, which essentially dictates prices rather than negotiates with hospitals and doctors. They thought it was a path to single-payer because it would eventually drive all of them from the market. Maybe Bernie Sanders would approve, but I’m not sure there is any real political support for the idea. Karen Ignagni, who was the chief executive of the trade association representing the insurers, argued at the time that if we wanted a government-run system, we should have that discussion.
Still, Congress’s current position of just saying, “No, let’s overturn the law,” hasn’t helped fix any of the shortcomings that exist.
An area where I thought the president might be giving the law too much credit was in saying the law had managed to successfully control costs and improve quality. What do you think?
Margot: Cost control is one of those great unanswered questions in health policy. There are many theories about what is going on. But nearly all of the rigorous analyses say that Obamacare gets, at best, partial credit for why health spending growth has been slow. I can see why the president might want to congratulate himself for this welcome trend. But I think he’s on firmer ground touting a reduced uninsured rate than cost control as the legacy of Obamacare.


One striking chart shows why pharma companies are fighting legal marijuana
by Christopher Ingraham - Washington Post

There's a body of research showing that painkiller abuse and overdose are lower in states with medical marijuana laws. These studies have generally assumed that when medical marijuana is available, pain patients are increasingly choosing pot over powerful and deadly prescription narcotics. But that's always been just an assumption.
Now a new study, released in the journal Health Affairs, validates these findings by providing clear evidence of a missing link in the causal chain running from medical marijuana to falling overdoses. Ashley and W. David Bradford, a daughter-father pair of researchers at the University of Georgia, scoured the database of all prescription drugs paid for under Medicare Part D from 2010 to 2013.
They found that, in the 17 states with a medical-marijuana law in place by 2013, prescriptions for painkillers and other classes of drugs fell sharply compared with states that did not have a medical-marijuana law. The drops were quite significant: In medical-marijuana states, the average doctor prescribed 265 fewer doses of antidepressants each year, 486 fewer doses of seizure medication, 541 fewer anti-nausea doses and 562 fewer doses of anti-anxiety medication.
But most strikingly, the typical physician in a medical-marijuana state prescribed 1,826 fewer doses of painkillers in a given year.
These conditions are among those for which medical marijuana is most often approved under state laws. So as a sanity check, the Bradfords ran a similar analysis on drug categories that pot typically is not recommended for — blood thinners, anti-viral drugs and antibiotics. And on those drugs, they found no changes in prescribing patterns after the passage of marijuana laws.
"This provides strong evidence that the observed shifts in prescribing patterns were in fact due to the passage of the medical marijuana laws," they write.
In a news release, lead author Ashley Bradford wrote, "The results suggest people are really using marijuana as medicine and not just using it for recreational purposes."


Britain's diabetic leader reflects differing healthcare systems
by David Lazarus - LA Times
Britain has a new prime minister – Theresa May – and much of the coverage this week has focused on her being only the second woman in the country’s history to run the government.
An equally intriguing factoid is that, as far as anyone knows, May, 59, is the first contemporary world leader with Type 1 diabetes.
This provides an opportunity to look at how Britain’s universal-coverage health insurance system compares with the largely for-profit, market-oriented American approach.
The two key yardsticks in treating diabetes effectively are access to care and cost of drugs. In both cases, the Brits have it better.
“When you have a chronic condition, it’s just a fact that there will be regular charges to maintain your health,” said Shana Alex Charles, an assistant professor of health sciences at Cal State Fullerton.
“In this country, you might have to worry about being able to afford all the necessary supplies,” she said. “In Britain, that’s not a worry. It’s not a question that you’ll be able to get what you need.”
It’s simplistic to suggest that Britain and other nations with single-payer insurance systems do everything right, whereas the United States does everything wrong. For those who can afford it, U.S. healthcare is second to none.
Britain’s National Health Service, meanwhile, provides mostly free-of-charge, taxpayer-funded healthcare to all but, according to the British think tank King’s Fund, is grappling with money troubles, long wait times and hospital overcrowding.
Even so, a 2006 study in the Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine comparing diabetes management in Britain and the United States found that while the populations of the two countries were similar in many ways, a key difference was the large number of Americans who lacked adequate health insurance.
“Access to health coverage is a key determinant of quality of care for a chronic condition such as diabetes,” the study concluded. “For chronic diseases such as diabetes that can be largely managed without inpatient care, a system like the NHS that provides universal coverage free at the point of use may be substantially more cost-effective than the more mixed system found in the USA.”
The vast majority of people with diabetes worldwide have Type 2, which is frequently associated with obesity and can be treated in a variety of ways. Type 1 is an autoimmune disorder requiring multiple daily insulin injections.
Obamacare has helped provide coverage to people with diabetes. No longer are people with “pre-existing conditions” shown the door by profit-conscious health insurers. But medical costs, particularly for those with high-deductible health plans, can be burdensome.
A Reuters analysis of drug prices last year found that Americans with diabetes can pay as much as seven and a half times more for insulin than people in Britain. A recent report in the Journal of the American Medical Assn. found that U.S. insulin costs more than tripled between 2002 and 2013. Average annual spending on insulin per U.S. patient jumped to $736.09 from $231.48.
The drug industry says actual costs are lower once rebates and other discounts are taken into account.
“The U.S. system gives the best possible care for those who are insured or covered or can otherwise afford it, but those who are uninsured or are failing to get good access are sometimes quite poorly diagnosed and treated for chronic diseases,” said Alastair Gray, a health economist at the University of Oxford.
“The U.K. system puts less emphasis on providing the best for some and instead provides a more comprehensive coverage,” he said. “For the whole population it gives results that are equal to or slightly better than the U.S. performance and at much lower cost.”
Britain spends about 10% of its gross domestic product on healthcare, according to the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development. The United States spends 17%.
Carol Propper, a health economist at Imperial College London, said that even with lower healthcare spending as a percentage of GDP, Britain has managed to make healthcare more accessible to the general population. “In the U.S.,” she said, “the allocation is probably more unequal,” favoring those with financial means.
Like May, I have Type 1 diabetes and can speak firsthand to the challenges of dealing day to day with a disease that afflicts nearly 10% of the U.S. population and is the country’s seventh leading cause of death.
About 6% of Britain’s population has diabetes, but the disease isn’t among the country’s top 10 killers. That speaks to significantly more effective efforts at managing the illness.
wrote on Tuesday about how healthier Americans are gravitating toward high-deductible insurance plans with lower monthly premiums, resulting in higher insurance costs for people who desire, or require, more comprehensive coverage. A Medicare-for-all system similar to Britain’s would address that.
It would also go a long way toward not just addressing the needs of people with chronic conditions but society as a whole. The U.S. economic cost of diabetes – treatment and lost productivity – is estimated by the American Diabetes Assn. to run at least $245 billion a year. Heart disease, cancer, stroke, Alzheimer’s – hundreds of billions more. Healthcare spending will account for a fifth of our economy by 2025, according to a recent study.
The British healthcare system isn’t perfect. But, more so than our own, it acknowledges that sickness touches us all, one way or another.
And dealing with that is everyone’s responsibility, from the head of government on down.

Employer-based health care is failing workers

By Kay Tillow
Daily Kos, July 14, 2016
Health care in the United States is the most costly in the world. The per capita the U.S. spends on health care is double the average of other industrialized countries, yet other nations have better outcomes in life expectancy, infant mortality, and most measures. In the U.S., we pay more but get less. About 40 percent of people in the U.S. forgo needed care because of cost.
The powerful, dynamic unions of the CIO established the highest standards for health care in the country lifting up the rest of the nation as they set the floor. Several decades later, after the rest of the industrialized world moved to universal health care systems, the collective bargaining power of U.S. unions is no longer sufficient to advance and protect health care benefits. Profiteers have rigged the system. For-profit insurers and pharmaceuticals are holding our health care, our collective bargaining, and our democracy hostage.
Reining in that control now requires far more than collective bargaining. It requires a dynamic movement that rallies the rank and file of the labor movement, links with communities and the public, takes on the corporate controllers of health care, and pushes relentlessly until it passes national single-payer health care, HR 676.
The evidence of the crying need to act is all around us. “Today, we said enough is enough, and went on strike for a restoration of health benefits and fair wages and working conditions,” said Fabia Sespedes, a housekeeper who has worked for nine years at the Trump Taj Mahal in Atlantic City. Nearly a thousand workers at the Taj Mahal casino walked out at dawn as the July 4 holiday weekend began. They are cooks, housekeepers, servers and other casino workers, members of Local 54 UNITE-HERE. They have been without health care and retirement benefits since those were taken away in October of 2014. Current owner of the Taj, billionaire Carl Icahn, is refusing to restore those benefits and threatening to shut down the casino.
Half of the workers rely on subsidized health insurance and a third have no health benefits at all. Icahn extracted $350 million from the property using bankruptcy proceedings to strip Taj workers of health care and pensions. “Now we’re going to take it to the streets,” said Mayra Gonzalez, a pantry chef at the Taj for 26 years.
In June over 4,000 coal miners from seven states rallied in Lexington, Kentucky, to demand passage of Senate Bill 1714 to shore up health and pension funds. Without that action, 22,000 retired miners and their families face the dropping of their health care benefits before the end of the year. “We’re not asking for welfare -- we’ve earned these benefits,” said Michael Partin, a retired miner from Bell County who worked underground for 30 years. In the compelling fiery rhetoric that is his custom, UMWA President Cecil Roberts called on the miners to go home, recruit five people each, and prepare to march on Washington, D.C. A rally has been set at the U.S. Capitol Building for September 8, 2016.
In June 5,000 Minnesota Nurses Association members who work for the Allina Hospitals struck for 7 days as Allina sought to shift $10 million in health care costs onto nurses and their families. Monica Proulx, a surgery nurse for more than 20 years, said that Allina has refused to negotiate over issues such as patient care and reducing workplace violence unless the union capitulates on the health insurance issue. The nurses are back at work but the struggle continues.
In May more than 350 workers at Honeywell Aerospace were locked out in South Bend, Indiana, and in Green Island, New York. Members of UAW Local 9 in South Bend who make airplane brakes and wheels say they voted the contract down by 270 to 30 because it would drastically increase what they pay for health insurance. Local President Adam Stevenson says those who were working nights were ushered out of the plant by security guards and the day shift was barred from entering. Stevenson said one of the sticking points in the negotiations is that Honeywell wants to be able to change the structure of union members' health care benefits, including what people pay for premiums and deductibles, during the term of the contract. The union has planned a rally for July 18.
At the Green Island location more than 500 supporters came out to rally with UAW Local 1508 where workers at the picket line say the average out-of-pocket expenses for a family under the plan included in the company's offer will rise by as much as $7,000 a year.
Tim Vogt, a 29-year Honeywell employee and president of UAW Local 1508, said, “We cannot accept a contract that destroys our ability to provide for our families’ health and well-being.” The lock out continues.
Last Christmas thousands of Honeywell retirees received a letter from their former employer announcing that at the end of 2016 they would no longer have health insurance. In Fostoria, Ohio, where over 1,000 of those retirees live, UAW Local 533 President David Angles said, “It is dishonorable that this corporation would do this to people that gave 30 or more years of their lives to this company helping them make billions of dollars in profit and then turn around and take this benefit away during a time in their life that they need it the most.”
“We are the only industrialized nation in the world that does not have a national health care system and it’s time. Stand up and do something, if not for yourself, your children and grandchildren, because they will need your help,” concluded Angles.
President Angles is right. “Stand up and do something.”
Begin by getting your union or organization to endorse HR 676, national single-payer health care. A sample resolution is here.
Organize your city, county, or state to endorse HR 676. Use as a model one of the resolutions that have already been passed. They are here.
UnitedHealth Group CEO Stephen J. Hemsley took home over $66 million in compensation in 2014, while the health care crisis continued for millions of workers.
As retired USW steelworker Steve Skvara asked in Chicago when he stood up at a 2007 AFL-CIO Presidential Candidates Debate: “Every day of my life, I sit at the kitchen table across from the woman who devoted 36 years of her life to my family and I can't afford her health care. What's wrong with America and what will you do to change it?”
Kay Tillow is a leader of Kentuckians for Single Payer Health Care and the All Unions Committee for Single Payer Health Care--HR 676. She can be reached at nursenpo@aol.com.
http://www.dailykos.com/stories/2016/7/14/1548153/-Employer-based-health-care-is-failing-workers-Time-to-Stand-Up-and-Do-Something?_=2016-07-14T05:24:30.858-07:00

Wealthy get more health care than other Americans

Trend toward more equal access to care is reversing

By Chris Tomlinson
Houston Chronicle, July 12, 2016
Money can't buy you love, but it can buy you health, according to a new study from Harvard Medical School.
Add inequality in health care to the growing evidence that the United States is becoming a more class-based society, with a shrinking middle class, a greater economic gap between the rich and poor and growing social unrest.
"In 2012, the wealthiest fifth of Americans got 43 percent more health care ($1,743 more per person) than the poorest fifth of Americans, and 23 percent more care ($1,082 per person) than middle-income people," the paper published in "Health Affairs" stated. "These numbers reflect a striking reversal of a long-term trend toward greater equality in health care use by all income groups."
The shift away from more equal access to health care came in the mid-2000s, at about the same time that conservative lawmakers began trying to rein in spending on Medicaid, the health program for the poor and disabled. Spending by poor people has actually dropped 3.7 percent since then, while spending by the wealthy is up 19.7 percent.
The study found no change in health care inequality in Medicare, the health program that covers almost every American over the age of 65.
President Lyndon Johnson's Medicare and Medicaid programs brought much more equal access to health care beginning in the 1960s. Prior to that, the wealthy used about twice as much health care than poor and middle class people.
The study's authors attribute the growing inequality to the "widening U.S. income inequality, the 2007-2009 recession, the slow recovery for the poor and middle class, and a sharp rise in health insurance co-payments and deductibles that discourage non-wealthy Americans from seeking care."
There is little debate that health care costs are growing too fast, and the United States needs to discourage over-utilization. Co-pays and deductibles can achieve those goals, but this study shows that people with higher incomes are not as deterred as lower-income Americans. There is also a risk that lower-income Americans who should be seeking early treatment are waiting until they are much more ill before getting help, creating a larger burden on the health care system.
The fact that Medicare doesn't have the same problem argues for a single-payer system for all Americans, not just the elderly. As long as we use price to ration health care, rather than science-based medicine, then greater income inequality will lead to greater health care inequality.
The middle and lower classes in America are becoming increasingly frustrated with the status quo, which is leading to greater inequality of every kind in this country. High health care costs is an important part of that frustration, and one that will political leaders need to address.

Chris Tomlinson is business columnist at the Houston Chronicle.

http://www.pnhp.org/news/2016/july/wealthy-get-more-health-care-than-other-americans

National Health Spending to Surpass $10,000 a Person in 2016

by Robert Pear - New York Times

WASHINGTON — National health spending will average more than $10,000 a person this year for the first time, the Obama administration said Wednesday, a milestone that heralds somewhat faster growth in health spending after several years of exceptionally low growth.
By 2025, the administration reported, health care will represent 20 percent of the total economy, up from 17.8 percent last year. By 2025, one of every five Americans will be on Medicare, and the program will spend an average of nearly $18,000 a year for each beneficiary. Medicare spent about $12,000 per beneficiary in 2015.
The administration, in a report published in the journal Health Affairs, predicts that the pace of health spending will pick up in the coming decade, driven by improvements in the economy, higher medical prices and the aging of the people born from 1946 to 1964.
From 2015 to 2025, health spending is expected to grow an average of 5.8 percent a year — 1.3 percentage points faster than the economy, measured by the gross domestic product. The numbers are not adjusted for inflation.
By 2025, the report says, Medicaid, a program for lower-income people, is expected to spend an average of nearly $12,500 a year for each beneficiary, up from about $8,000 in 2015, and spending by private insurers is expected to average almost $8,600 for each person covered. Private insurers spent $5,400 per insured last year.

Makers of Humira and Enbrel Using New Drug Patents to Delay Generic Version

by Andrew Pollock - NYT
The best-selling drugs Humira and Enbrel have a lot in common. They both use biotechnology to treat rheumatoid arthritis, psoriasis and other autoimmune diseases. And they come with giant price tags approaching $50,000 a year.
Now the two companies behind the competing drugs have found common ground in keeping those prices so high: They are deploying new patents to prevent patients and insurers from getting two essentially generic versions of the drugs for less money.
This week, advisers to the Food and Drug Administration recommended approval of the near generic versions. But the patents could delay introduction. And even if the drugs get to market, some patient groups say they will resist efforts by insurers to force them to use the less expensive drugs.
The various developments show that six years after the Affordable Care Act cleared the way for biosimilars, as the generic versions of biotechnology drugs are called, progress has been slow. Only one biosimilar, a mimic of the white blood cell booster Neupogen, is available to patients.
“It’s a lost opportunity to reduce health care costs,” said Fiona M. Scott Morton, a professor at the Yale School of Management.
By contrast, according to a study she did, biosimilars have been available in Europe for years and have reduced costs for some drugs as much as 80 percent, though in many cases far less.
Humira and Enbrel are biologics, which are complex proteins made in living cells. Seven of the world’s top 10 selling drugs in 2015 were biologics. Humira was No. 1 with $14 billion in global sales and Enbrel was No. 3 at $8.7 billion, according to the website PharmaCompass.
Until the 2010 Affordable Care Act authorized the F.D.A. to approve biosimilars, biologics were insulated from the generic competition. Since then, it has taken time for the F.D.A. to lay out the ground rules for biosimilars. Some rules are still not in place.
“They are still behind when it comes to creating the infrastructure to push these molecules ahead,” said Bertrand C. Liang, chairman of a biosimilars council set up by the Generic Pharmaceutical Association.
Things now seem to be heating up, however. A biosimilar that mimics Johnson & Johnson’s autoimmune disease drug Remicade was approved by the F.D.A. in April. It is not yet on the market, in part because of patent issues. But Pfizer, which owns the marketing rights, hints that it is planning to introduce it this year.
There are about 60 biosimilars in clinical trials aimed at approval in the United States or Europe, according to Sanford C. Bernstein & Company, including 13 versions of Humira.
The makers of the brand-name biotechnology drugs for years argued that biologics were such complex molecules that they could not be exactly copied. It is for that reason the copycats are called biosimilars rather than generics.
Still, that argument is now falling by the wayside, in part because some of those same brand-name companies are developing biosimilars themselves.
Amgen, for example, was on both sides of this week’s debates among the F.D.A. advisers. The company developed the Humira biosimilar, but it also owns Enbrel, which is threatened by biosimilars.
At the meeting on Tuesday, the advisory committee voted 26 to 0 that Amgen’s Humira knockoff was similar enough to the original drug to be approved for essentially all uses of Humira. It made that decision even though Amgen had tested the drug in patients with only two of those diseases, rheumatoid arthritis and psoriasis.
The next day it voted 20 to 0 in favor of a broad approval of the Enbrel biosimilar, which was developed by Sandoz, the generic division of Novartis, and tested only in patients with psoriasis.
While the F.D.A. itself is expected to approve the two biosimilars in the coming months, patents might keep them off the market.





Wednesday, July 13, 2016

Health Care Reform Articles - July 13, 2016

Editor's Note -


Follow this link for lots of information about the ColoradoCare proposal that will be on the ballot there in November:

http://www.coloradocare.org/

-SPC



Court Strikes Down Obama Health Care Rule on Insurance Standards

by Robert Pear - NYT

WASHINGTON — A federal appeals court has ruled that consumers must be allowed to buy certain types of health insurance that do not meet the stringent standards of the Affordable Care Act, deciding that the administration had gone beyond the terms of federal law.
The court struck down a rule issued by the Obama administration that barred the sale of such insurance as a separate stand-alone product.
“Disagreeing with Congress’s expressly codified policy choices isn’t a luxury administrative agencies enjoy,” the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit said on Friday in a decision that criticized “administrative overreach” by the Department of Health and Human Services.
At issue is a type of insurance that pays consumers a fixed dollar amount, such as $500 a day for hospital care or $50 for a doctor’s visit, regardless of how much is actually owed to the provider.
Such “fixed indemnity” insurance is normally less comprehensive and less expensive than the “minimum essential coverage” required by the Affordable Care Act. Under the rule, issued by the Obama administration in 2014, fixed indemnity policies could be sold only to people who already have the more comprehensive coverage that meets detailed federal standards.


Hillary Clinton offers health care proposal sought by Bernie Sanders

, USA TODAY

WASHINGTON — Hillary Clinton on Saturday announced her plan to expand investments in community health care centers, the second of two proposals in a week apparently aimed at courting supporters of Sen. Bernie Sanders ahead of his possible endorsement.
The presumptive Democratic nominee's proposal would double funding for primary care services at Federally Qualified Health Centers, which serve populations with limited access to health care. Community health care centers have been a key priority for Sanders, I-Vt., who successfully fought for the inclusion of $11 billion in funding for such centers in the Affordable Care Act of 2010.
Clinton also affirmed her commitment to giving Americans in every state the choice of a "public-option" insurance plan — which she supported during her 2008 presidential campaign and Sanders pushed for during the ACA debate — and allowing people below Medicare age to opt into the programby offering it to those who are 55 and older.
An hour after her health care announcement, Clinton's campaign announced firm details about her Tuesday campaign event in Portsmouth, N.H., where Sanders is expected to endorse his primary campaign rival. The announcement does not mention Sanders.
"We have more work to do to finish our long fight to provide universal, quality, affordable health care to everyone in America," Clinton said in a statement. "Already, the Affordable Care Act has expanded coverage to 20 million Americans. As president, I will make sure Republicans never succeed in their attempts to strip away their care and that the remaining uninsured should be able to get the affordable coverage they need to stay healthy."
Sanders, in a press call timed 15 minutes after Clinton's announcement, said the proposal by Clinton — "working with our campaign" — is an important step forward in expanding access to health care and addressing a crisis in primary health care.
"It will save lives, it will ease suffering, it will improve health care in America and it will cut health care costs," he said. "It is a significant step forward as we advance toward the goal of health care for for all Americans."


In nod to Sanders, Clinton offers new health care proposals

 

Wednesday, July 6, 2016

Health Care Reform Articles - July 6, 2016

Anthem, Express Scripts Face Legal Challenge Over Prescription Drug Prices

 
Anthem and its pharmacy manager Express Scripts overcharged patients with job-based insurance for prescription drugs, alleges a lawsuit that seeks class action status for what could be tens of thousands of Americans.
It’s the latest wrinkle in a battle that has already pitted the major national insurer and its pharmacy benefit manager (PBM) against each other in dueling legal actions — and further illustrates the complicated set of factors that determine what consumers pay for prescription medications.
The case alleges that insured workers paid too much because Express Scripts charged “above competitive pricing levels” and Anthem, in effect, allowed those higher prices as part of a 10-year contract deal with the pharmacy management firm. Those actions, it alleges, violate the firms’ responsibilities under a 1974 federal benefits law called the Employee Retirement Income Security Act.
“This action seeks to recover losses suffered by the plaintiffs … who overpaid and continue to overpay for the portions of the costs of prescription drugs … they are responsible for paying as plan participants,” says the lawsuit, filed as Burnett v. Express Scripts and Anthem.
The case was filed in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York on June 24.
Express Scripts spokesman David Whitrap said the firm denies “the allegations and will defend ourselves vigorously.”
Anthem, too, denied the allegations and said it would fight the charges.
“Multi-year contracts with pharmaceutical benefit managers are a standard strategy used by insurers to assist in making premiums more affordable,” said Lori McLaughlin, corporate communications director. “Anthem provides a suite of medical and pharmacy services that is competitive overall.”
‘A Complicated Web’
Most employers and health insurers hire PBMs such as Express Scripts to manage pharmacy claims, create networks of pharmacies, draw up lists of covered drugs and negotiate prices with drug companies for medications. Using a variety of methods, including smaller networks of pharmacies, financial incentives to steer patients to lower-cost generics and managing high-cost specialty medications, the industry’s trade group estimates savings of $654 billion for clients between now and 2025.
But PBMs have also come under scrutiny.
Recently, some independent pharmacists have complained that some PBMs are charging insured consumers more than the cash price for some generic drugs.
And for years, questions have been raised about whether the industry fully discloses how much it is actually saving insurer and employer clients — and what portion of those savings are actually passed along to consumers.
“It’s such a complicated web of intermediaries that stand between consumers and the prices they pay,” said Erin Fuse Brown, an assistant professor of law at Georgia State University College of Law. “As a result, no one knows if they’re getting ripped off.”
Plaintiffs Seek To Recover Losses
Because insured patients were required by their health benefit packages to pay a percentage of the cost of their drugs, any overcharging on the part of Anthem and Express Scripts meant that the workers’ share was also proportionately too high, the complaint alleges.
The lawsuit seeks class action status on behalf of people with ERISA-governed insurance plans for whom Anthem provided drug benefits through an agreement with Express Scripts after Dec. 1, 2009, to the present. The court has not yet decided if the suit will have class action status.
Anthem is one of the nation’s largest health insurers with more than 38 million members. Express Scripts handled more than 175 million claims for Anthem in 2015 alone, according to the complaint.
The allegations echo those in Anthem’s March lawsuit against Express Scripts, and counterclaims filed shortly thereafter by Express Scripts against Anthem. Both of those cases are also in the Southern District of New York.
Anthem’s lawsuit aims to end its contract with the PBM and seeks $15 billion in damages for what it alleges was the PBM’s failure to renegotiate lower prices for prescriptions. Anthem used to run its own PBM, but sold it to Express Scripts in 2009 as part of the contract deal, court documents show.
In its counterclaims, Express Scripts said the insurer rejected several proposals to renegotiate prices. In addition, Express Scripts’ legal document says Anthem was offered a choice of “less money up front but lower pricing” or a bigger upfront payment “with higher pricing for Express Scripts’ services.” It chose the higher prices over the course of the contract in exchange $4.6 billion more in upfront fees, according to the PBM’s counterclaim. That money, Express Scripts’ documents allege, was then used by Anthem to buy back its own stock, rather than passing it along to health plan members. The stock buyback “applied upward pressure to Anthem’s stock price, thereby enriching shareholders and management,” the filing alleges.

Big Pharma Is Seducing Patients With Co-Pay Coupons: Is It Making Drugs More Expensive Overall?

It’s a war between insurers and drug manufacturers to maximize their bottom lines.

A few months back, after returning from a family vacation that involved lots of pool time, my 9-year-old son complained that his ear hurt. A Sunday morning trip to urgent care brought a diagnosis of swimmer's ear—an infection of the outer ear canal—and a prescription for ear drops.
When my wife went to fill the prescription, for a quarter of an ounce, she was told that our share of the cost would be $135.
Even with the increasingly high cost of drugs, that seemed like a lot. Since I'm a longtime health-care reporter, my wife asked me what to do. "Fill it," I said, thinking more like a father than a journalist.
Wisely, she didn't listen. Instead, she searched online for a coupon for the brand-name drug the doctor had prescribed, Ciprodex. She pulled one up on her phone, showed it to the pharmacist and sliced our cost by more than half, to $60.
That was great for us. Like most consumers, we were practically giddy about the savings. But such coupons have hidden effects on health-care costs that most of us don't ponder.
Drug coupons are a clever marketing tactic increasingly used by pharmaceutical companies for a counterintuitive purpose: to keep drug prices high. By forgoing or reducing patients' payments for pricier brand-name drugs, they ensure more sales for which insurers foot the bulk of the bill. (The companies get nothing if people choose generics or don't fill prescriptions at all.) The coupons also stymie insurers' attempts to encourage consumers to factor price into their health-care decisions. And by making the true cost of a drug essentially unknowable, they are yet another example of how medical pricing remains opaque, despite the promise of the Affordable Care Act.
In essence, it's a war between two big industries trying to maximize their bottom lines: insurers vs. drug manufacturers. Patients, who often have no clue which drug is best, are stuck in the middle. They definitely enjoy getting what seems like a deal—but in the long run, the coupons help keep health-care costs rising.
The virtues and drawbacks of coupons have been thoroughly debated by health policy wonks for the past few years as they have surged in popularity. Supporters say that insurance companies and pharmacy benefit managers have been jacking up co-pays in pursuit of profits and that lower prices increase the odds that patients will take the medicine they need. Critics say the coupons encourage patients to use brand-name products when cheaper alternatives may be available—and that raises costs, premiums and co-payments for everyone.
Coupons have another little-noticed effect. While health plans increasingly rely on deductibles to control rapidly rising drug costs, coupons are just as rapidly undermining them—which, in another paradox, could wind up driving them even higher.
Deductibles require consumers to pay a certain amount before their insurers start covering costs. Of the $135 our pharmacy initially wanted for Ciprodex, $100 was to cover my son's annual drug deductible, and $35 was the standard co-payment for a brand-name drug. With the coupon, we paid only $60 for the prescription. Still, my pharmacy benefit manager (which manages drug coverage for my insurance company) credited us with spending the entire $135, so we skipped right through the deductible.
"It's kind of like a get-out-of-jail-free card," said Joseph Ross, an associate professor at the Yale School of Medicine.
Others have had similar experiences. Dave McCulloch, 32, has used coupons from Gilead Sciences to fully cover his out-of-pocket costs for Truvada, an expensive drug that prevents HIV infection for groups at high risk. (The drug is effective both at treating HIV and preventing it.) When he filled his prescription for the first time in March, McCulloch later discovered that his pharmacy benefit manager credited him with paying $350 when he'd actually paid nothing. His insurer, CareFirst, "has no idea that Gilead paid that amount instead of me," McCulloch said in an email.
When patients can meet their deductibles with a pharmaceutical company's money, as McCulloch and I both did, they have less reason to pay attention to how much money they're spending on health care—which, in theory, the deductible and co-payments are supposed to make them do. That means prices can continue rising, pushing insurers to raise premiums, deductibles and copayments in response.
Figures from IMS Health, a health information company that purchases data from pharmacies and sells it to pharmaceutical companies and others, show that the use of co-pay coupons has surged since 2010 across 11 drug classes, including some in which medications are especially costly. Among the top-selling brand-name drugs at retail pharmacies, IMS estimated that coupons were used about 8 percent of the time in 2010. By 2015, that had grown to more than 27 percent in those drug classes.
Coupons were used to pay for more than a third of the best-selling brand-name drugs prescribed last year to treat autoimmune diseases, viral hepatitis, HIV and multiple sclerosis.
It's really hard, perhaps by design, for insurance companies and benefit managers to know how often coupons are used and what effect they're having on plans' finances and the way benefits are intended to work. Pharmacies process patients' insurance first and only afterward enter the co-pay coupon. That information is not shared with health plans because it's basically treated as another method of payment, akin to cash.
Insurers say they are trying to come up with ways to collect these details. They structure their benefit plans—with deductibles and co-payments—to "send a price signal to the patients so that they choose the most cost-desirable product," said Steve Miller, chief medical officer of Express Scripts, a large pharmacy benefit manager. "The co-pay card abrogates that. ... None of us have come up with a very good solution about how to solve that."
Express Scripts has started refusing to cover some drugs, in part based on whether their makers issue co-pay coupons. If the drug isn't covered, "your co-pay card becomes null and void," Miller said.
The pharmaceutical industry says coupons are an effort by companies to keep their products affordable to the end user, the patient. Insurers have lots of tools to control who uses a particular drug, officials say, such as requiring prior approval from the health plan, mandating that patients try less-expensive medications first and placing limits on how many pills can be dispensed per month.
But as insurers seek to push more costs to consumers, drug companies are doing what they can to help, said Jenny Bryant, senior vice president for policy and research at the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, the industry trade group. "My sense is that we're past the point where there's a question about whether these kinds of programs are necessary," Bryant said. "The reality is that [insurance] benefits are not as generous as they were, and many patients are struggling."
Even the coupons don't always cover the entire cost of pricey drugs such as Ciprodex.
Alcon, a subsidiary of Novartis that makes the drug, did not answer specific questions about how often its coupon has been used. Instead, in a statement, it said that the coupon "helps eligible commercially insured patients who need this medication gain more affordable access."
Could my son have used a cheaper alternative? In theory, that's the question my insurer would have expected me to ask at the outset. But Peter Weber, an otolaryngologist and director of the ear institute at the New York Eye and Ear Infirmary of Mount Sinai, said doctors prefer Ciprodex for swimmer's ear because it combines an antibiotic with a steroid and poses less risk if the eardrum is not intact. Because there's no less-pricey equivalent, doctors often mention the co-pay coupon when they prescribe it.
"This is a drug that works, it's a drug that we want to use, and we have no control over the pricing," Weber said, adding, "half the time, we get calls from pharmacists that say, ‘Look, they can't afford it' ... and I get that. It's not good."
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http://www.alternet.org/personal-health/copay-coupons-drugs-more-expensive?akid=14404.109750.o2J3ed&rd=1&src=newsletter1059377&t=22


UnitedHealthcare Sues Dialysis Chain Over Billing

by Reed Abelson and Katie Thomas - New York Times

Private health insurers can pay more than $4,000 for each dialysis treatment. Government health plans like Medicaid pay around $200.
That gaping price difference was the motivation for a scheme, orchestrated by a for-profit dialysis chain, that illegally pushed poor people in Florida and Ohio out of inexpensive government programs and into expensive private plans sold by UnitedHealthcare, according to a lawsuit the giant insurer filed in federal court on Friday. UnitedHealthcare says the arrangement needlessly exposed the patients to medical bills.
The suit accuses American Renal Associates, a public company that operates nearly 200 dialysis clinics across the country, of fraudulently billing millions of dollars since the beginning of the year. UnitedHealthcare is trying to recoup that money.
The insurer argues that the effort was aided by the American Kidney Fund, a nonprofit patient advocacy group, which paid the patients’ premiums for private insurance. The insurer said American Renal Associates “earmarked donations” to the kidney fund to pay for the coverage, violating anti-kickback laws in the process. The lawsuit also says that the company’s patients were not told that the kidney fund would stop paying their premiums if they received a kidney transplant.
The kidney fund, which is not listed as a defendant in the lawsuit, is overwhelmingly financed by dialysis companies.
American Renal Associates said on Friday that the lawsuit was without merit and that the company would vigorously defend itself. “At all times, we are dedicated to putting patients first, and we structure all of our relationships within that framework,” Michael R. Costa, vice president and general counsel, said in a statement.
The American Kidney Fund declined to comment on the specifics of the lawsuit, but said it was “deeply troubled” by the allegations of what it described as “improper use” of its program by a dialysis provider.
The company says it keeps contributions from providers separate from decisions about whether to offer assistance to patients, an arrangement that it said was “affirmed” by the federal government in 1997.
In a statement, its chief executive, LaVarne A. Burton, said that the group did not recommend particular facilities or insurers and that nearly two-thirds of the 79,000 patients receiving assistance from the fund were on Medicare. The assistance the fund provides, she said, “is a lifeline for people who depend on dialysis for their survival.”
The suit, filed in United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida, touches on an issue regulators have focused on in recent years: the role of third parties paying for insurance.
Federal and state regulators have expressed concern about payments made by outside groups that are closely tied to industry, where the goal appears to be less about helping patients than about generating profits.
This week, the top insurance regulator in Idaho said insurers could refuse payments from organizations like the American Kidney Fund. Minnesota made a similar decision in June.
“There are third parties out there just trying to help people,” said Dean L. Cameron, director of the Idaho Department of Insurance, citing religious organizations as an example. But the practice becomes problematic when the funding is tied to the doctor or the facility providing care, he said. “Those kinds of arrangements concern us.”
The dialysis industry has come under scrutiny from federal regulators in recent years for a variety of actions, including overbilling Medicare.
Many dialysis centers say they lose money because the government programs pay them so little. People who need dialysis and have end-stage renal disease are eligible for Medicare coverage, even if they are under 65. If they are poor, they may also qualify for Medicaid, which covers nearly all out-of-pocket costs. Patients may be enrolled simultaneously in both programs.
At the same time, UnitedHealthcare has a keen financial interest in keeping very ill patients, like those who need dialysis, out of its private plans. Under the federal health care law, insurers must cover everyone, no matter how sick they are.
Dialysis removes toxins from the blood when the kidneys do not work properly, and many patients need treatments three times a week for years.
According to the lawsuit, American Renal Associates devised a clever plot aimed at converting patients over to private plans.
The company identified poor patients in rural areas of Florida who did not have a nearby dialysis clinic in UnitedHealthcare’s network, the suit says. The centers then persuaded these patients to switch to UnitedHealthcare plans, using the American Kidney Fund’s program to pay their premiums.
Finally, the centers billed UnitedHealthcare out-of-network prices of about $4,000 per dialysis treatment, compared with just $200 under Florida’s Medicaid program, the suit said.
Because the UnitedHealthcare plans required greater out-of-pocket contributions than Medicaid’s coverage, the centers waived any part of the dialysis bill that was not paid by the insurer. UnitedHealthcare says patients remained responsible for bills from other doctors, which they would not have had to pay under Medicaid.
Kidney transplants, rather than dialysis, are seen as the best options for most patients with end-stage renal disease, but the American Kidney Fund does not pay for premiums after patients receive a kidney transplant. Patients were not informed of that.
Ms. Burton, the kidney fund chief executive, said the fund’s work was focused on people who need dialysis and not on transplant patients.
“Our greatest hope is that the people we are assisting will receive transplants, but the reality is that most people with kidney failure have to spend time on dialysis,” she said in the statement.
A fast-growing player in the dialysis industry, American Renal Associates enters into partnerships with kidney specialists to run its clinics. A New York private equity firm, Centerbridge Partners, owned the company before it went public in April.
In its public filings, the company acknowledges its dependence on treatments paid by private insurers. Those payments cover just 13 percent of the treatments the clinics provide, but account for 40 percent of the company’s operating revenue.
This reliance on privately insured patients is typical of the dialysis industry, said Eric R. Havian, who represented a whistle-blower in a 2014 case involving charges of kickbacks against DaVita HealthCare Partners, one of the industry’s biggest players.
Even if only a few people receive private insurance at a center, Mr. Havian said, “they may make enough profit on those two or three patients to wipe out all the losses they are incurring from the Medicaid patients, and make enormous profits on top of that.”
UnitedHealthcare said it had already paid about $2 million to American Renal Associates this year. It provided details about 27 patients in Florida and Ohio, but said there could be more.
Insurers say that charities with ties to providers are a concern when they pay premiums only for people with a specific health condition, because doing so often raises overall prices.
“What we’ve seen happening in the marketplace is some companies have been targeting people who use their services to enroll them in private coverage,” said Alissa Fox, a senior vice president with the Blue Cross Blue Shield Association, a trade group.
The American Kidney Fund’s premium-assistance program is one of the hallmarks of the group’s mission. The group says on its website that it assists one in five dialysis patients in the United States with health care expenses.
The fund has close ties to the dialysis industry: It acknowledges that dialysis companies pay for its premium-assistance program, and in 2015, 78 percent of its $264 million in revenue came from two companies, according to its financial disclosures. The kidney fund declined to name the companies. The organization’s chairwoman is a former executive at DaVita and Fresenius Medical Care, the nation’s two leading dialysis chains.
Those industry ties expose the profit motive that underpins the programs, according to Patrick Burns, executive director of Taxpayers Against Fraud, a whistle-blower advocacy group.
“There is a bottom line here, and the people who manage these programs are well aware of it, on both sides,” he said.


The Illicit Perks of the M.D. Club

by Vassal G. Thakkar - New York Times

ONE of my patients recently had her request for a relatively common medication for attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder, Vyvanse, denied by her insurance provider. I tried to appeal the decision, but her father — the chief executive of a health care company who purchased insurance for hundreds of employees — had better luck. He called up the head of the insurance company and got the drug approved.
Last year, my 5-year-old fractured her ankle. The bill for the 12-minute orthopedist’s appointment was $1,125, and about half of it was covered by insurance. I wrote the doctor a letter — please revise this bill, as it is clearly erroneous — and included my “M.D.” Instead, the doctor left me a message saying he was waiving the bill entirely as a professional courtesy.
Stories like these reveal an uncomfortable truth. Our health insurance system is so broken that pulling strings — or rank — is sometimes the only way to get the coverage you think you’ve paid for.
Since 2010, when the Affordable Care Act was passed, the major insurance companies have seen their stock prices soar. Though the act expanded coverage to millions, a report last year by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation revealed that 41 percent of health plans sold on the government exchanges had physician networks described as “small” or “extra-small,” covering less than 25 percent and 10 percent of local doctors, respectively. Individuals may have to change doctors or choose out-of-network services, incurring extra costs.
Wendell Potter, a former Cigna executive turned whistle-blower and a co-author of the recent book “Nation on the Take,” says that “insurance companies profit by introducing hurdles in the coverage and claims process.” These hurdles lead some patients to simply give up and pay or forego treatment altogether. He calls this the companies’ business model.

Feds Charge 300 in Nationwide Health Care Fraud Sweeps

by The Associated Press

WASHINGTON — Health care fraud sweeps across the country have led to charges against 300 people including doctors, nurses, physical therapists and home health care providers accused of bilking Medicare and Medicaid, the government announced Wednesday.
The sweep spread from southern California to southern Florida and Houston to Brooklyn, New York, with arrests being made over three days.
In all, the fraudulent billings allegedly totaled $900 million, Attorney General Loretta Lynch said, calling it the largest national Medicare fraud dragnet.
The defendants billed for care and prescriptions that were not necessary and services that were not rendered, Lynch said.
Continue reading the main story
Among those charged, for example, was a group that controlled a network of clinics in Brooklyn that received $38 million from Medicare and Medicaid after providing patients unnecessary treatment. A Detroit clinic billed Medicare for more than $36 million, even though Lynch said it was actually a front for a narcotics diversion scheme.
Such investigations happen each year, but Lynch said investigators noticed some new trends, including the use of doctors' stolen IDs to prepare fake prescriptions.
Those charged "target real people - many of them in need of significant medical care," Lynch said. "They promise effective cures and therapies, but they provide none."
While the individual cases may be unrelated, law enforcement agencies often coordinate the announcement of health fraud charges and arrests to send a message to fraudsters and the general public alike. Health care fraud costs tens of billions of dollars annually.

How a Quest by Elites Is Driving ‘Brexit’ and Trump

by Neil Irwin - NYT

What lesson should a card-carrying member of the economic elite take from the success of Donald J. Trump, and British voters’ decision to leave the European Union?
Voters in large numbers have been rejecting much of the underlying logic behind a dynamic globalized economy that on paper seems to make the world much richer. For the bankers, trade negotiators, international businesspeople and others who make up the economic elite (including journalists like me who are peripheral members of it), this is cause for introspection, at least among those who aren’t too narcissistic to care what their countrymen think.
Here is an overarching theory of what we might have missed in the march toward a hyper-efficient global economy: Economic efficiency isn’t all it’s cracked up to be.
Efficiency sounds great in theory. What kind of monster doesn’t want to optimize possibilities, minimize waste and make the most of finite resources? But the economic and policy elite may like efficiency a lot more than normal humans do.
Maybe the people who run the world, in other words, have spent decades pursuing goals that don’t scratch the itches of large swaths of humanity. Perhaps the pursuit of ever higher gross domestic product misses a fundamental understanding of what makes most people tick. Against that backdrop, support for Mr. Trump and for the British withdrawal known as Brexit are just imperfect vehicles through which someone can yell, “Stop.”
In a poll of 639 British economists conducted in May, 88 percent expected that a vote to leave the European Union would depress British economic growth, yet 52 percent of voters approved it anyway. Only two of 40 leading economists, surveyed by the University of Chicago Initiative on Global Markets, agreed with the statement that a country can improve citizens’ well-being by increasing its trade surplus or cutting its trade deficit, an idea that is a hallmark of populist rhetoric.
But what if those gaps between the economic elite and the general public are created not by differences in expertise but in priorities?
Consider an experiment published last year in the journal Science. Four economists tested people with a computer simulation in which they could either be greedy and keep tokens that had real cash value, or share them with others. The catch: If they shared them, the total number of tokens would decline. In other words, the more evenly the pie was divided, the less pie there was to go around. There was a trade-off between equality and maximizing income, a version of economic efficiency.
Among the general American public, about half of those who played the game favored equality over efficiency.
But the researchers also did the experiment at Yale Law School, an elite bastion filled with people who become Supreme Court clerks, White House aides and richly compensated lawyers. Among the Yale students who played the game, 80 percent preferred efficiency to equality. They were more worried about the size of the pie, apparently, than making sure everyone got a slice.
“The people who are destined to fill these elite positions tend to have a strong efficiency orientation,” said Raymond Fisman, a Boston University economist and lead author of the study. “One underlying explanation may be that, if the system has been kind to you, and you find yourself at Yale Law School, you know you’re going to make out O.K. in the end, and so you don’t worry about widening the distribution of outcomes.”
You can see versions of this play out in a wide range of areas. For example, economists almost uniformly argue that rent control laws are a terrible tool to try to make housing more affordable. As Paul Krugman once wrote, “the analysis of rent control is among the best-understood issues in all of economics, and — among economists, anyway — one of the least controversial.”
Yet among people grappling with soaring rents, the policies are persistently popular — even, recently, in the free-market-oriented boomtowns of Silicon Valley.
It’s easy for an economist to chalk up support for rent control as idiocy that depresses the home construction that might reduce housing prices for everyone. I have thought of it that way.
But maybe it is really important for people who live in a place to be able to stay there indefinitely. Maybe the idea that things should stay the way they are, without new people moving in and new buildings going up, is not as inherently irrational as Economics 101 would suggest. Yes, rent control is a bad idea if you’re worried about the long-term prospects for economic efficiency. But maybe the people who advocate these policies know exactly what they’re rooting for, and that’s not it.
The rent control debate can be viewed as a microcosm of the debate about globalization and international trade.
Some of the best analysis of trade agreements comes from the Peterson Institute for International Economics. Its examination of the pending Trans-Pacific Partnership is 119 pages and describes how the deal among the United States and 11 Pacific Rim nations will affect different industries and the economy as a whole.
It projects that the deal will add $131 billion a year to Americans’ incomes by 2030, or 0.5 percent of G.D.P. It will neither create nor destroy jobs, but is projected to add to churn — job changes — in the economy as work moves into higher-paying, more export-centric industries. The authors predict that the trade deal will mean an extra 53,700 job changes a year, but they note that 55.5 million people a year in the United States change jobs for all sorts of reasons, and that this extra churn will barely change those overall numbers.
But for a window into how this plays out among real people, consider an article in The Wall Street Journal in February. In that account, a woman named Andrea Howell holds down a good job at BMW’s manufacturing plant in South Carolina, making her one of globalization’s winners. She supports Mr. Trump, she said, because she doesn’t want other countries to beat the United States at trade, and because two uncles lost their jobs at a cotton mill that closed in the 1980s, presumably because of globalization.
To economists, 53,700 jobs churned each year is a small cost to be paid for a richer overall economy. To people who are among those 53,700, the pain may be enough to drive someone’s niece to vote for an antitrade candidate 30 years later.
So what’s a policy elite to do? Of course the only way a society can become richer over time is to increase national income. And if rigorous analysis shows that Policy X is the way to do it, the fact that Policy X is going to disadvantage a few thousand people often isn’t a reason to abandon the idea.
But there’s an obligation to think about individual lives. Life isn’t just about money, and jobs aren’t just about income. A sense of stability, of purpose, of social standing — all these things matter in ways that economic models don’t do a very good job of taking into account.
If there is one crucial lesson from the success of Mr. Trump and Brexit, it is that dynamism and efficiency sound a lot better to people who are confident they’ll always end up being winners.

When the Cost of a Medical Emergency Adds Up

To the Editor:
When You Dial 911 and Wall St. Answers” (“Bottom Line Nation” series, front page, June 26), about the trend of emergency medical services being contracted out to private companies, highlights impediments to medical consumers’ access to quality services. The financial effect on consumers can be devastating.
While the Affordable Care Act provides some financial protections for emergency services, it failed to ban “balance billing” by providers for amounts above what an insurer pays. In most states, there is no restriction on the amount an ambulance company can bill patients for emergency charges that exceed an insurer’s in-network rate.
For air ambulances, the patient’s cost could easily be $30,000 or even $100,000.
Since 2000, the medical helicopter industry has shifted from government or nonprofit operators to predominantly for-profit entities, imposing more costs on consumers. While states can regulate cost-sharing for regular ambulances, the Airline Deregulation Act nonsensically bars them from limiting the cost of emergency air services.
Efforts to amend this law have stalled, but this is a consumer crisis Congress must address.
BETSY IMHOLZ
Continue reading the main story
Special Projects Director
Consumers Union
San Francisco
To the Editor:
As a physician for more than 60 years, I found this article a nightmare. Though health care has business aspects, it is unique in that, by its nature, it cannot function as a usual business model.
The bottom line can never be profit because the “product” is human experience. Cost-cutting when dealing with someone’s heart attack or house fire requires a lack of caring about someone else’s pain and suffering, which the cost-cutters would not like for themselves.
The private equity companies, which treat this subject as a business model, don’t seem to realize that they are making the case for a socialistic system that would take proper care of everyone.
BENJAMIN D. GORDON
Rockville, Md.


Fixing Healthcare: Maybe It Does Take a Rocket Scientist

Andrew Goldstein takes on a major city's dysfunctional system

  • by Nicole Lou 
    Reporter, MedPage Today/CRTonline.org

    In 2013, Freddie Kitchens, quarterback coach for the NFL's Arizona Cardinals and a former college football star, heard a pop in his chest and felt a cramp in his leg that grew more and more painful. The doctors at Chandler Regional Hospital, at the edge of suburban Phoenix, weren't sure what was wrong. Finally, a CT scan revealed the aortic dissection.
    Surgical treatment at Chandler was impossible and every cardiothoracic surgeon they called was unavailable -- that is, until Andrew Goldstein, MD, answered and agreed to take Kitchens at Arizona Heart Hospital in Phoenix. The surgeon fixed the tear in the aorta; Kitchens returned to the field 2 months later.
    Kitchens, now 41, was lucky: 20% of patients with aortic dissection die before reaching the hospital, and in-hospital mortality is 10%-30% depending on the location and extent of dissection.
    The surgery for an aortic dissection itself is risky and is not something surgeons "particularly relish," Goldstein told MedPage Today. "For a heart surgeon, it's one of the most complex and longest operations, lasting 5, 6, 7, 8 hours or more. You cool the patients down to a very cold temperature to stop all the circulation including to their brain," he said. "You have no heart flow whatsoever."
    But Kitchens didn't just overcome the risks of an aortic dissection and its surgery. In Arizona, "finding someone to take care of it is less than ideal," said Goldstein.
    Islands In The Desert
    That a coach for the Arizona Cardinals found difficulty in getting surgery for his aortic dissection seems typical in these parts.
    "We don't have a good system," Goldstein said. "The hospital where I was at was the sixth hospital that was called. It just strikes me as a very unsafe situation that could be handled much more efficiently."
    "The public health issue that we deal with in Arizona is getting people triaged to an available heart surgeon in a timely manner," he said. "One of the things about Phoenix is that we have a lot of hospitals with small programs and one or two large medical centers, but there's a lot of variability and it's very disjointed."
    He explained that his previous institutions had been part of large networks that refer cardiac care around the clock. In New York, Freddie Kitchens might not have had to wait for his doctors to search for a surgeon. Today in Phoenix, however, "there's just not enough statewide coordination."
    "Then there's the issue of surgeons overextending themselves with call responsibility. Surgeons are getting calls for five to six hospitals simultaneously."
    It would be nice to see emergency cardiac services regionalized, he said, resembling how trauma services work. "But on the hospital side, there's nobody there who has a strong enough motivation or agenda to fix the problem."

    Helpless to Prevent Cancer? Actually, Quite a Bit Is in Your Control

    Aaron E. Carroll

    Americans seem very afraid of cancer, with good reason. Unlike other things that kill us, it often seems to come out of nowhere.
    But evidence has increasingly accumulated that cancer may be preventable, too. Unfortunately, this has inflamed as much as it has assuaged people’s fears.
    As a physician, I have encountered many people who believe that heart disease, which is the single biggest cause of death among Americans, is largely controllable. After all, if people ate better, were physically active and stopped smoking, then lots of them would get better. This ignores the fact that people can’t change many risk factors of heart disease like age, race and family genetics.
    People don’t often seem to feel the same way about cancer. They think it’s out of their control. A study published in Science in January 2015 seemed to support that view. It attempted to explain why some tissues lead to cancer more often than others. It found a strong correlation between the number of times a cell divides in the course of a lifetime and the risk of developing cancer.
    In other words, this study argued that the more times D.N.A. replicates, the more often something can go wrong. Some took this to mean that cancer is much more because of “bad luck” than because of other factors that people could control.


    Young Adults Can Face A Confusing Path To Health Insurance 

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