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Tuesday, January 26, 2021

Health Care Reform Article - January 26, 2021

How West Virginia Became a U.S. Leader in Vaccine Rollout

West Virginia has used 83 percent of its allotted vaccines, among the best in the nation. But even efficient operations face a major problem: There simply are not enough shots to go around.

by Sarah Mervosh - NYT - January 24, 2021

CHARLESTON, W.Va. — Carolyn Zain had heard horror stories about the nation’s coronavirus vaccine rollout: long waits, clunky websites, people being turned away. So when her health department announced it was expanding appointments, she armed herself with two phones — cellphone in one hand, landline in the other — and held her breath.

Within 20 minutes, she secured a slot for the next day. She arrived for her 2 p.m. appointment and was resting in a chair, a fresh shot in her arm, by 2:21 p.m.

“It went wonderfully,” said Ms. Zain, 79, who, after a year spent mostly home alone, wore a sequined face mask that shimmered like confetti for her appointment at a Charleston clinic last week.

Since the nation began distributing vaccines more than a month ago, it has moved far more slowly than officials hoped and has been stymied by widespread logistical problems. But West Virginia has stood out for its success in getting people vaccinated. About 9 percent of all West Virginians have received a first dose of the coronavirus vaccine, a larger segment than in every state but Alaska and double the rate of some. No state has given a larger share of its residents second doses, a crucial step to securing the best chance at immunity.

While many states are struggling to hand out the shots that the federal government has provided to them, West Virginia has given out 83 percent of its doses, by far among the highest. The patchwork system of distribution in the country is in its early weeks, and experts say operations may change significantly as vaccinations gear up further, but many states so far have struggled to give even half of their allotted vaccines. California and Rhode Island have used just 45 percent of their shots.

“West Virginia is about at the top of the charts,” said Dr. Mark McClellan, a former commissioner of the U.S. Food and Drug Administration. “We need to get more states to the point that they have the vaccination capacity of West Virginia.”

As many states struggle with logistical and bureaucratic challenges, leaving vaccines unused, West Virginia offers a remarkable example of a state that has successfully given out almost all of its shots. Yet it provides perhaps the clearest picture of a more fundamental problem that looms ahead for the country: Even the most efficient state vaccine operations do not have enough shots for all who want them.

“It’s not like it’s a cake walk, but we have efficiency,” said Dr. Clay Marsh, the state coronavirus czar. He estimated that West Virginia has the capacity to handle 125,000 doses a week, but is getting just 23,600. At the current pace, officials said, it could take up to five months to finish vaccinating people 65 and older, let alone younger people in the general population.

“We can push a lot more,” Dr. Marsh said. “We just don’t have anything to push.”

The race to vaccinate millions of Americans comes as the country confronts worrying new variants of the virus. The stakes are particularly high in West Virginia, where residents are among the oldest and least healthy in the nation. Two in 10 West Virginians are 65 or older, and nearly half of adults have a higher risk of developing a serious case of Covid-19.

“People are dying every day,” said Albert L. Wright Jr., the chief executive of WVU Medicine, the state’s largest health care provider, which opened a mega-clinic in Morgantown last week. “We just realized, the only way out of this is to vaccinate our way out.”

While the rollout in West Virginia has not been without its frustrations for the many residents who are desperate to receive the vaccine, the state’s approach offers insight into what has worked.

Early on, the state got a significant head start because it initially opted out of a federal program to vaccinate people in nursing homes and other long-term care facilities.

Coronavirus Briefing: An informed guide to the global outbreak, with the latest developments and expert advice.

While other states chose the federal plan, which partnered with Walgreens and CVS to inoculate people in nursing homes around the country, officials decided the idea made little sense in West Virginia, where many communities are tucked into the hills, miles from the nearest big box store, and about half of pharmacies are independently owned.

West Virginia created a network of pharmacies in the state, pairing them with about 200 long-term care facilities. As a result, West Virginia finished its first round of vaccinations at nursing homes last month, while many states were just getting started. By the end of this week, officials expect to have delivered a second round of shots to all nursing homes.

A growing number of governors and state health officials have voiced frustration with the speed of the federal program, which has been slow in part because of the sheer number of long-term care facilities nationwide. Some states, like Maine, have also begun looking to local pharmacies as a resource.

While the exact order of vaccine recipients may vary by state, most will likely put medical workers and residents of long-term care facilities first. If you want to understand how this decision is getting made, this article will help.

Life will return to normal only when society as a whole gains enough protection against the coronavirus. Once countries authorize a vaccine, they’ll only be able to vaccinate a few percent of their citizens at most in the first couple months. The unvaccinated majority will still remain vulnerable to getting infected. A growing number of coronavirus vaccines are showing robust protection against becoming sick. But it’s also possible for people to spread the virus without even knowing they’re infected because they experience only mild symptoms or none at all. Scientists don’t yet know if the vaccines also block the transmission of the coronavirus. So for the time being, even vaccinated people will need to wear masks, avoid indoor crowds, and so on. Once enough people get vaccinated, it will become very difficult for the coronavirus to find vulnerable people to infect. Depending on how quickly we as a society achieve that goal, life might start approaching something like normal by the fall 2021.

Yes, but not forever. The two vaccines that will potentially get authorized this month clearly protect people from getting sick with Covid-19. But the clinical trials that delivered these results were not designed to determine whether vaccinated people could still spread the coronavirus without developing symptoms. That remains a possibility. We know that people who are naturally infected by the coronavirus can spread it while they’re not experiencing any cough or other symptoms. Researchers will be intensely studying this question as the vaccines roll out. In the meantime, even vaccinated people will need to think of themselves as possible spreaders.

The Pfizer and BioNTech vaccine is delivered as a shot in the arm, like other typical vaccines. The injection won’t be any different from ones you’ve gotten before. Tens of thousands of people have already received the vaccines, and none of them have reported any serious health problems. But some of them have felt short-lived discomfort, including aches and flu-like symptoms that typically last a day. It’s possible that people may need to plan to take a day off work or school after the second shot. While these experiences aren’t pleasant, they are a good sign: they are the result of your own immune system encountering the vaccine and mounting a potent response that will provide long-lasting immunity.

No. The vaccines from Moderna and Pfizer use a genetic molecule to prime the immune system. That molecule, known as mRNA, is eventually destroyed by the body. The mRNA is packaged in an oily bubble that can fuse to a cell, allowing the molecule to slip in. The cell uses the mRNA to make proteins from the coronavirus, which can stimulate the immune system. At any moment, each of our cells may contain hundreds of thousands of mRNA molecules, which they produce in order to make proteins of their own. Once those proteins are made, our cells then shred the mRNA with special enzymes. The mRNA molecules our cells make can only survive a matter of minutes. The mRNA in vaccines is engineered to withstand the cell's enzymes a bit longer, so that the cells can make extra virus proteins and prompt a stronger immune response. But the mRNA can only last for a few days at most before they are destroyed.

“Using your local partners and really having more control over where the vaccine is going, that’s what has been successful for West Virginia,” said Claire Hannan, executive director of the Association of Immunization Managers.

The approach in some ways reflects the scrappy outlook that has become embedded in West Virginia, a state that is used to being labeled in broad strokes by outsiders. After years of coming in at the bottom of various national rankings — highest rate of cigarette smokers, largest share of adults with multiple chronic conditions, among the highest prevalence of diabetes and obesity — there is a sense of proud defiance around the state’s vaccine plan.

“Our state motto is montani semper liberi — mountaineers are always free,” said Stephen New, a lawyer in Beckley, whose father, a former coal miner, is scheduled to get vaccinated at a local clinic this week. “There is a fierce sense of independence here that we don’t need to follow others.”

Central to West Virginia’s strategy, too, is putting the National Guard at the helm of vaccine operations.

“They are logistical experts,” said Jim Kranz, a vice president at the West Virginia Hospital Association, who described a military approach far different than typical government bureaucracies jammed up by memos and lengthy meetings. “The Guard just says, ‘I don’t need a written plan, this is what we’re doing.’”

In recent weeks, other states have increasingly been turning to the National Guard for assistance.

Inside a former drill hall on the National Guard’s gated campus in Charleston, a core state team of representatives from various agencies meets at a command center, working amid a labyrinth of computer screens, white boards and plexiglass dividers, in the shadow of an enormous American flag.

Officials in West Virginia say the in-person command center, which runs counter to pandemic-era Zoom meetings and may come with health risks, has also helped quickly resolve problems. For instance, a recent brainstorming meeting led to a swift change: To avoid a mix-up between Pfizer-BioNTech and Moderna vaccines, officials changed the colors of cards showing that a resident had been vaccinated — red for Moderna, blue for Pfizer.

“It’s a person at a table,” said Joe Peal, a retired colonel and the chief of staff for the vaccine task force. “We absolutely could not do it virtually.”

Officials say they have also learned what not to do — including not promising shots that they don’t yet have.

After a crowd of people in their 80s unexpectedly showed up outside the health department in Charleston one shivering winter night, officials there decided clinics could not be first-come, first-served. They required appointments, and to avoid later rescinding those appointments, as has happened in states like New York and Florida, appointments are not made until the county officials have that week’s allotment of vaccines on hand, sitting in their own freezer.

Some of West Virginia’s success also may partly be explained by characteristics of the state. Its population, 1.8 million people, is tiny compared to states like Texas, which are handling far more vaccines. West Virginia is also among only a handful of states that do not allow philosophical exemptions for vaccines for school, according to the Immunization Action Coalition, suggesting a culture where acceptance of vaccines may be more prevalent.

West Virginia’s rollout has by no means been without hiccups. And some of the problems have been similar to those in states with far worse records in distributing shots: Phone lines have been mobbed and many West Virginians have spent hours calling to get appointments without success.

The health department in Kanawha County, which includes Charleston, was so overloaded with phone calls last week, its phone system crashed and its Facebook page was flooded with complaints. “I’ve called 250+ times but still unable to get through,” one person wrote.

The distribution of vaccines — mainly to health care workers and older residents so far — also has been concentrated in urban centers, raising concerns about equal access in rural and more impoverished areas. Of the state’s 10 poorest counties, just one had a vaccine clinic in recent weeks, according to an analysis by the nonprofit newsroom Mountain State Spotlight.

But the main problem, officials say, is not logistical but a matter of supply: They need more vaccine.

Dr. Sherri Young, the health officer in Kanawha County, said one big reason phone lines are overrun is because the county cannot reliably schedule clinics weeks in advance. If there were more vaccine, she said, “people wouldn’t be as panicked.”

Pfizer and Moderna have pledged to deliver a combined 200 million doses for use in the United States by the end of March, with an additional 200 million doses to be delivered by the end of July. A third vaccine maker, Johnson & Johnson, could put millions more doses on the market if approved.

West Virginia had hoped to make the case that because it is moving through its vaccines, it deserved to get more, but so far states have been allocated doses based on population.

Jim Doria, 69, a retired epidemiologist, had gone months without seeing his grandchildren who live in Philadelphia and was eager to be among the first to get vaccinated after the state opened the system to people in his age group last week. He estimated that he called as many as 700 times.

“I won the lottery,” he said, after getting off a wait list.

But for every person like Mr. Doria, countless others were left disappointed. Statewide, West Virginia has given shots to around 70,000 of its senior citizens, with more than 250,000 left to go.

https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/24/us/west-virginia-vaccine.html?

Why Medical Tourism Is Drawing Patients, Even in a Pandemic

The coronavirus pandemic has devastated medical tourism, but pent-up demand remains for affordable treatment in foreign lands.

- NYT - January 19, 2021

On a cold February morning last year, as she lay curled up in a fetal position on her kitchen floor, Melissa Jackson called her manager at a New Jersey beauty salon to ask for some unpaid time off.

It was the sixth consecutive week that the 39-year-old beauty technician was unable to work full time because of the debilitating pain in her pelvis caused by endometriosis, a chronic condition triggered by the growth of uterine tissue outside of the uterus.

As her symptoms worsened, she started exploring options to get less costly medical care abroad.

In recent years, while still on her ex- husband’s health insurance policy, she had received hormonal treatments to ease the pain so she could go about her daily life. But since her divorce last year and the coronavirus restrictions placed on the beauty industry in March, those treatment costs have become prohibitive, especially with no insurance.

“There is no real cure for endometriosis, but if I want to free myself from this pain then I need to get a hysterectomy,” Ms. Jackson said, her voice shaking as she described the procedure to remove her uterus. “As if the surgery isn’t bad enough, I need to find 20,000 bucks to pay for it, which is just crazy so I’m going to have to find a way to go to Mexico.”

The coronavirus pandemic has pushed millions of Americans into poverty and stripped more than 5.4 million American workers of their health insurance, according to a study by the nonpartisan consumer advocacy group, Families USA. Many people like Ms. Jackson have experienced a significant deterioration in their health because they have delayed medical procedures. The fear of large medical bills has outweighed fear of contagion for some, giving rise to an increased number of patients seeking medical treatment in a foreign country.

“We are seeing a pent-up demand for medical tourism during the pandemic, particularly in the U.S. where a fast-growing number of Americans are traveling across the land border with Mexico for health purposes,” said David G. Vequist IV, the founder of the Center for Medical Tourism Research, a group based in San Antonio, Texas, and a professor at the University of the Incarnate Word in San Antonio.

Even before the pandemic, millions of Americans traveled to other countries for savings of between 40 to 80 percent on medical treatments, according to the global medical tourism guide Patients Without Borders. Mexico and Costa Rica have become the most popular destinations for dental care, cosmetic surgery and prescription medicines while Thailand, India and South Korea draw in patients for more complex procedures including orthopedics, cardiovascular, cancer and fertility treatment.

In 2019, 1.1 percent of Americans traveling internationally did so for health treatments, according to the National Travel and Tourism Office, although that figure only accounts for those who traveled by air and does not include the thousands of travelers who crossed the United States-Mexico border. Definitive statistics on medical tourism are hard to come by because countries have different recording methods and definitions of the sector.

Medical tourism has been decimated by coronavirus restrictions, but, even so, the twin crises of the economy and the enormous strain that Covid-19 has placed on the already faulty American health care system are pushing many patients to travel. Demand for nonessential surgeries has also been building up after more than 177,000 scheduled surgeries were postponed in the United States between March and June in 2020, according to the Center for Medical Tourism Research.

“Our market has always been what I call the ‘working poor’ and they just keep getting poorer,” said Josef Woodman, the chief executive of Patients Without Borders. “The pandemic has gutted low-income and middle-class people around the world and for many of them the reality is that they have to travel to access affordable health care.”

In April, following the initial global lockdown to curb the spread of the coronavirus, medical travel bookings were down by more than 89 percent in the most popular destinations, including Mexico, Thailand, Turkey and South Korea, according to Medical Departures, a Bangkok-based medical travel agency. Since August, the numbers have slowly been rebounding, but bookings in Mexico, which has seen an uptick in American travelers in recent months, are still down by 32 percent compared to the same period of August to December in 2019.

“Covid-19 has devastated the whole medical tourism ecosystem because of all the uncertainty over travel restrictions and quarantine measures that keep changing across the world,” said Paul McTaggart, the founder of the agency.

“Despite this, we are still seeing a growing number of people traveling and booking trips to address their urgent health needs, especially between the U.S. and Mexico border where patients can travel safely by car,” Mr. McTaggart said. The Center for Medical Tourism Research found that Google searches in the United States for the terms “Mexico medical tourism” went up by 64 percent since July, compared to pre-pandemic levels before travel restrictions were imposed in March.

Coronavirus Briefing: An informed guide to the global outbreak, with the latest developments and expert advice.

“Google searches are almost directly correlated with consumer behavior when it comes to travel across borders,” Mr. Vequist said.

Before the winter resurgence of the coronavirus, Ms. Jackson had started to plan and save for a trip to Mexicali, a border city in northern Mexico, where she can get a hysterectomy for $4,000, one-fifth the cost of the procedure offered in New Jersey. Her best friend had offered to drive her there and pay for the gas and accommodations.

“We wanted to make a vacation out of it and have some fun before the surgery because it’s such a heavy and dark thing with real consequences,” Ms. Jackson said. “At 39, I have to come to terms with the reality that I’ll never have kids. That’s even more painful than my condition.”

For now, Ms. Jackson has put the surgery on hold and will wait until the virus is brought under control. Her doctor had pointed to cheaper options for the operation in New Jersey, starting at $11,000 in a local outpatient facility. But Ms. Jackson is adamant about having it in the hospital and says the aftercare is more thorough in Mexico.

“Going for the cheaper option at home means getting lower quality care and taking a risk. That just isn’t the experience for people who do this in specialized hospitals in Mexico,” she said. “It’s cheap and safe.” (Many hospitals and clinics in Mexico and other countries have accreditation to ensure their standards are equivalent to medical facilities in the United States.)

In recent weeks, Ms. Jackson has had a flare up of symptoms, which is common when the condition goes untreated.

“I’m not sure if I will be able to wait for Covid to get better,” she said. “This thing cripples every part of my life.”

The land border with Mexico — closed to tourists — has remained open for essential travel, which includes all medical treatment, and a handful of Americans cross the border every day into Los Algodones (also known as Molar City) to receive dental treatment or purchase pharmaceuticals.

“It’s just Americans over there getting dental care,” said Jeff Somerville, a Delta Air Lines flight attendant who visited the Supreme Dental Clinic in Los Algodones in September to get his crowns replaced. “You park on the U.S. side and just walk across. It’s easy and felt very safe.” He said the procedure would have cost around $25,000 in Tampa, Fla., close to where he lives in the city of Clearwater. In Mexico, he paid $7,000.

Now, Mr. Somerville, 47, is preparing to travel to Turkey in February for a hair and beard transplant, which will cost $3,000 and includes plasma treatments, medications, hotel lodging for three nights and a translator.

“I’m going to live my life, but I’m going to take my precautions while I do that,” he said. “I’m not going to sit at home and be scared.”

Turkey has remained open to tourists throughout the latest surge of the pandemic in Europe and only visitors from Britain are required to take a test as a precaution against a new, more transmissible variant of the virus. On weekends in Turkey a strict curfew is imposed on local residents to curb the spread of the virus, but foreign visitors are allowed to roam free without any restrictions. On Istanbul’s main Istiklal Avenue, men recovering from hair transplant procedures can easily be spotted with bandages around their heads.

“This is the best time to get surgery,” said Martin Wright, a British tourist, who had a hair transplant in Istanbul in December, before the new variant of the virus was identified in Britain. “Hotels are cheap, sites are empty and you get to have down time in a foreign city where you don’t have to explain to anyone why or how you got a hair transplant.”

Over the summer, when lockdown restrictions were eased across Europe, Britons traveled to the continent to receive medical treatment, after waiting lists for elective surgery on the National Health Service reached record levels. With British hospitals operating at reduced capacity to accommodate patients with Covid-19, hundreds of thousands of patients, who have been waiting for more than a year for non-urgent surgery, are facing further delays, N.H.S. figures show.

Cynthia Hedges, a 77-year-old retired nurse from Plymouth in southwest England, traveled to France in August for a knee replacement after waiting more than 19 months to get the procedure at her hospital.

“It just became hopeless, I could barely walk and was just living off pain medication, which is not good for my health,” she said in a telephone interview. “I know we can’t go far these days, but I became very depressed not even being able to walk to my garden. I know it was risky to travel at the time, but it was the best thing I did. It was worth it.”

Even as travel restrictions tighten, experts in the medical tourism industry see an opportunity as demand builds and health care becomes more inaccessible in people’s home countries.

“It doesn’t matter if you’re in Europe or the Americas,” said Mr. McTaggart of Medical Departures. “Financially challenged individuals will seek out and be more receptive to the idea that you can travel abroad and see substantial savings for medical treatment and get past the line.”


Ceylan Yeginsu is a London-based reporter. She joined The Times in 2013, and was previously a correspondent in Turkey covering politics, the migrant crisis, the Kurdish conflict, and the rise of Islamic State extremism in Syria and the region. @CeylanWrites Facebook 

https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/19/travel/medical-tourism-coronavirus-pandemic.html?action=click&module=News&pgtype=Homepage 

Top Democratic Consultants Working for Anti–Medicare for All Campaign

The industry-led Partnership for America’s Health Care Future, which has assailed Democratic presidential candidates’ reform plans, is drawing on Democratic firms for assistance.

by   - American Prospect - November 19, 2019

As health insurance, pharmaceutical and hospital companies fight to prevent more politicians from backing Medicare for All, the industry’s front group has turned to top Democratic consulting firms and pro-business nonprofits for help, according to its 2018 tax return. The array of consultants includes presidential candidate Joe Biden’s pollster.

The Partnership for America’s Health Care Future (PAHCF), a nonprofit created last year to oppose plans to create a comprehensive, universal health care system, paid almost $760,000 to Bully Pulpit Interactive, a communications and digital marketing firm that has worked with the Democratic National Committee and the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee (DSCC).

The dark money organization paid almost $185,000 to Anzalone Liszt Grove Research, a polling firm that has been working with former Vice President Biden’s Democratic presidential campaign, the DSCC, and the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. The firm recently tested attack lines on Medicare for All for Third Way, a centrist Democratic think tank. PAHCF also paid $140,000 to Blue Engine Message & Media, a firm that was founded by former campaign staffers for President Barack Obama. (Blue Engine is now known as Seven Letter.)

PAHCF’s biggest vendor was Forbes Tate, a bipartisan lobbying firm with ties to moderate Democrats. It paid the firm more than $1.7 million. The organization separately contributed almost $520,000 to Center Forward, a centrist think tank that hosted a luxury retreat last year where senior Democratic congressional staffers were invited to listen to Center Forward board member Libby Greer, a Forbes Tate partner who works for PAHCF, talk with a hospital lobbyist about health care. The organization also paid $192,000 to Business Forward, a trade group that has been warning that business leaders are worried about Medicare for All.

Despite its Democratic consultant roster, PAHCF has spent much of the past year and a half criticizing the party’s leading presidential contenders. The organization has regularly slammed the Medicare for All proposals offered by Senators Bernie Sanders of Vermont and Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts. It has also attacked former Vice President Joe Biden and South Bend, Ind., Mayor Pete Buttigieg for their plans to create a public health insurance option.

“While Medicare for All would eliminate private health coverage overnight, Joe Biden’s public option and other new government health insurance systems would eliminate it over time,” the organization tweeted during the September Democratic debate.

In response to questions, Anzalone Lizst Grove partner John Anzalone said via email, “ALG is a polling firm and we did a project in mid-2018 for PAHCF assessing voters’ views of the healthcare system, including keeping and improving on Obamacare and baseline knowledge and views on Medicare for All. This was the only project we conducted for PAHCF and have done no work for them since then.”

Jana Plat, the programming director at Business Forward, said her group hasn’t worked with PAHCF this year either. “We worked with the Partnership in 2018, have not worked with them this year,” she wrote in an email. “Our programming has focused on the ACA and reproductive health care. We’ve spent ten years on the [Affordable Care Act], from helping pass it, to protecting it to improving it.”

PAHCF’s list of members includes dozens of trade organizations and companies, but its tax return shows the organization has been led by executives at a few of the nation’s most influential health-care lobbying groups -- America’s Health Insurance Plans (AHIP), which represents health insurers in Washington; Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA), D.C.’s top drug lobby; the Federation of American Hospitals (FAH), a trade group for investor-owned hospitals; and the American Medical Association, which represents physicians.

The PAHCF filing lists AHIP executive vice president David Merritt as its president and PhRMA lobbyist Scott Olsen as its treasurer. The board of directors list also includes Jeff Cohen, but he left FAH this summer and is no longer on the board, according to a PAHCF spokesperson. Richard Deem, a senior vice president of the American Medical Association (AMA) named in the filing, has left the board as well, the spokesperson said. The AMA dropped out of the organization over the summer.

It’s not clear how much any of these organizations have donated to PAHCF. Tax returns filed by PhRMA and FAH for 2018 didn’t list any grants to the group. As MapLight previously reported, trade groups can finance front groups’ advocacy efforts without naming the organizations in their tax returns.

PAHCF reported raising $5.1 million in 2018. While the organization isn’t required to disclose its donors in its tax return, its filing shows its largest donor was $500,000. It received eight contributions of $300,000.

The American College of Radiology Association contributed at least $300,000 to PAHCF in 2018, according to their tax return. Tenet Healthcare, an investor-owned hospital company, donated $41,000 last year before kicking in $588,000 earlier this year

PAHCF has ramped up its spending in recent months, running television advertisements during Democratic presidential debates and making big ad buys in Iowa. “The politicians may call it Medicare for All, Medicare buy-in or the public option,” the ads claim. “But they mean the same thing. Higher taxes or higher premiums, lower quality care.”

Americans experience worse health outcomes than people in wealthy countries that have adopted single-payer style health care systems. Medicare for All would require people to pay more in taxes, but they would no longer have to pay health insurance premiums, deductibles or co-payments.

On Monday, PAHCF released a study by FTI Consulting asserting that a public option could “eventually cause the elimination” of all private health insurance plans offered on state exchanges created under the Affordable Care Act, the 2010 Democratic health care law.

Their reasoning: “The government would be expected to set premiums for the public option approximately 25 percent below market value for comparable private insurance plans.”

https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/3936036848977011940/5477601677983189805 

 

Coronavirus: How to help workers who become uninsured?

by Diane Archer - JustCare - January 18, 2021

Back in April 2020, early in the pandemic, the US suffered from tremendous unemployment. With that, came millions of uninsured. Paul Fronstin and Stephen Woodbury report for The Commonwealth Fund that even though millions of Americans lost their jobs since March 2020, fewer than anticipated lost their health insurance. Whatever the number of uninsured, the Biden administration should ensure coverage for the uninsured and offer workers the choice of health coverage not tied to their work.

President Biden proposes that the government pay the health insurance premiums–COBRA–for people who have lost their health insurance along with their jobs during this pandemic. That will definitely help the insurers. But, giving people back the high-deductible, high-copay health insurance they had when they were employed is a far cry from helping them when they have little or no income and limited savings.

Recent estimates suggest that about 7.7 million people who lost their jobs during the pandemic also lost their employer coverage. Including their family members who lost coverage, closer to 14.6 million people lost employer insurance. Both for their individual health and the public health, they should be able to get care without worry about the cost.

Paying people’s COBRA premiums is out of line with Biden’s desire to provide free COVID-19 testing and treatment for everyone. To provide this coverage, there’s a far better proposal on the table, the Health Care Emergency Guarantee Act. sponsored by Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal, Senator Bernie Sanders and others. It would have the Department of Health and Human Services cover the full cost of care for everyone who lacks health insurance, along with the copays, deductibles and other out-of-pocket costs for people with public or private insurance. That policy solution would ensure that everyone got free COVID care.

 

Biden to tap nurse as acting surgeon general

Susan Orsega would be among the first nurses to serve in the role of ‘the nation’s doctor'

by Dan Diamond - The Washington Post - January 25, 2021

The Biden administration has selected nurse Susan Orsega to serve as the nation’s acting surgeon general, said two people with knowledge of her selection who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the announcement.

Orsega, a career-commissioned officer in the U.S. Public Health Service corps and a longtime infectious-disease specialist, would be among the first nurses to serve in the role of surgeon general, which is often referred to as “the nation’s doctor.” The announcement of Orsega’s selection could come as soon as Tuesday, one of the people said.

Surgeon General Jerome Adams, a Trump appointee, resigned last week at Biden’s request, and Deputy Surgeon General Erica Schwartz, a career official, chose to retire after being passed over as acting surgeon general.

Frequently viewed as the nation’s spokesperson on public health matters, the surgeon general oversees the U.S. Public Health Service, more than 6,000 uniformed public health personnel who work in various parts of the federal government, but has limited ability to make policy. In her current role, Orsega oversees the corps’s personnel, operations and readiness.

Orsega did not immediately respond to request for comment. A spokesperson for the Health and Human Services Department declined to confirm that Orsega had been selected as acting surgeon general but said the department is expecting an announcement as soon as Tuesday.

Biden has nominated Vivek H. Murthy, a close adviser who served as surgeon general in the Obama administration, to return to his previous role as the nation’s top doctor. However, Murthy’s confirmation hearings have yet to be scheduled, said an aide with the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions committee.

“The committee is ready to go with an aggressive scheduling of hearings once we organize, with nominations being a top priority,” committee spokesperson Madeleine Russak said.

Orsega is not the first nurse to serve as surgeon general. Former president Donald Trump in 2017 tapped nurse Sylvia Trent-Adams to serve as acting surgeon general after abruptly firing Murthy. Richard Carmona, who served in the Bush administration, was a physician as well as a nurse.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/health/2021/01/25/biden-appoints-nurse-acting-surgeon-general/ 

 

Biden to reopen ACA insurance marketplaces as pandemic has cost millions of Americans their coverage

by Amy Goldstein - The Washington Post - January 25, 2021

President Biden is scheduled to take executive actions as early as Thursday to reopen federal marketplaces selling Affordable Care Act health plans and to lower recent barriers to joining Medicaid.

The orders will be Biden’s first steps since taking office to help Americans gain health insurance, a prominent campaign goal that has assumed escalating significance as the pandemic has dramatized the need for affordable health care — and deprived millions of Americans coverage as they have lost jobs in the economic fallout.

Under one order, HealthCare.gov, the online insurance marketplace for Americans who cannot get affordable coverage through their jobs, will swiftly reopen for at least a few months, according to several individuals inside and outside the administration familiar with the plans. Ordinarily, signing up for such coverage is tightly restricted outside a six-week period late each year.

The Biden administration has said a key metric in its first 100 days will be administering 100 million coronavirus vaccine shots. (The Washington Post)

Another part of Biden’s scheduled actions, the individuals said, is intended to reverse Trump-era changes to Medicaid that critics say damaged Americans’ access to the safety-net insurance. It is unclear whether Biden’s order will undo a Trump-era rule allowing states to impose work requirements, or simply direct federal health officials to review rules to make sure they expand coverage to the program that insures about 70 million low-income people in the United States.

The actions are part of a series of rapid executive orders the president is issuing in his initial days in office to demonstrate he intends to steer the machinery of government in a direction far different from that of his predecessor.

Biden has been saying for many months that helping people get insurance is a crucial federal responsibility. Yet until the actions planned for this week, he has not yet focused on this broader objective, shining a spotlight instead on trying to expand vaccinations and other federal responses to the pandemic.

The most ambitious parts of Biden’s campaign health-care platform would require Congress to provide consent and money. Those include creating a government insurance option alongside the ACA health plans sold by private insurers, and helping poor residents afford ACA coverage if they live in about a dozen states that have not expanded their Medicaid programs under the decade-old health law.

A White House spokesman declined to discuss the plans. Two HHS officials, speaking on the condition of anonymity about an event the White House has not announced, said Monday they were anticipating that the event would be held on Thursday.

According to a document obtained by The Washington Post, the president also intends to sign an order rescinding the so-called Mexico City rule, which compels nonprofits in other countries that receive federal family planning aid to promise not to perform or encourage abortions. Biden advisers last week previewed an end to this rule, which for decades has reappeared when Republicans occupied the White House and vanished under Democratic presidents.

The document also says Biden will disavow a multinational antiabortion declaration that the Trump administration signed three months ago.

The actions to expand insurance through the ACA and Medicaid come as the Supreme Court is considering two cases that could shape the outcome. One case is an effort to overturn rulings by lower federal courts, which have held that state rules, requiring some residents to work or prepare for jobs to qualify for Medicaid, are illegal. The other case involves an attempt to overturn the entire ACA.

According to the individuals inside and outside the administration, the order to reopen the federal insurance marketplaces will be framed in the context of the pandemic, essentially saying that anyone eligible for ACA coverage who has been harmed by the coronavirus will be allowed to sign up.

“This is absolutely in the covid age and the recession caused by covid,” said a health-care policy leader who has been in discussions with the administration. “There is financial displacement we need to address,” said this person, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe plans the White House has not announced.

The reopening of HealthCare.gov will be accompanied by an infusion of federal support to draw attention to the opportunity through advertising and other outreach efforts. This, too, reverses the Trump administration’s stance that supporting such outreach was wasteful. During its first two years, it slashed money for advertising and for community groups known as navigators that helped people enroll.

It is not clear whether restoring outreach will be part of Biden’s order or will be done more quietly within federal health-care agencies.

Federal rules already allow people to qualify for a special enrollment period to buy ACA health plans if their circumstances change in important ways, including losing a job. But such exceptions require people to seek permission individually, and many are unaware they can do so. Trump health officials also tightened the rules for qualifying for special enrollment.

In contrast, Biden is expected to open enrollment without anyone needing to seek permission, said Eliot Fishman, senior director of health policy for Families USA, a consumer health-advocacy group.

In the early days of the pandemic, the health insurance industry and congressional Democrats urged the Trump administration to reopen HealthCare.gov, the online federal ACA enrollment system on which three dozen states rely, to give more people the opportunity to sign up. At the end of March, Trump health officials decided against that.

During the most recent enrollment period, ending the middle of last month, nearly 8.3 million people signed up for health plans in the states using HealthCare.gov. The figure is about the same as the previous year, even though it includes two fewer states, which began operating their own marketplaces.

Leaders of groups helping with enrollment around the country said they were approached for help this last time by many people who had lost jobs or income because of the pandemic.

The order involving Medicaid is designed to alter course on experiments — known as “waivers” — that allow states to get federal permission to run their Medicaid programs in nontraditional ways. The work requirements, blocked so far by federal courts, are one of those experiments. Another was an announcement a year ago by Seema Verma, the Trump administration’s administrator of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, that states could apply for a fundamental change to the program, favored by conservatives, that would cap its funding, rather than operating as an entitlement program with federal money rising and falling with the number of people covered.

“You could think about it as announcing a war against the war on Medicaid,” said Katherine Hempstead, a senior policy adviser at the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.

Dan Mendelson, founder of Avalere Health, a consulting firm, said Biden’s initial steps to broaden insurance match his campaign position that the United States does not need to switch to a system of single-payer insurance favored by more liberal Democrats.

The orders the president will sign “are going to do it through the existing programs,” Mendelson said.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/health/biden-to-reopen-aca-insurance-marketplaces-as-pandemic-has-cost-millions-of-american-their-coverage/2021/01/25/ccfc2402-5e74-11eb-9061-07abcc1f9229_story.html 

 

 

Thursday, January 14, 2021

Health Care Reform Articles - January 14, 2021

 

Health as a foundation for society

Editorial - The Lancet - January 4, 2021

In 2020, a virus that thrived on chronic disease and inequality became the great revealer. COVID-19 revealed the fragility of civilisations built on social injustices, short-term policies, and a dangerous disregard for the environment. The need to become more resilient to crises of all kinds is almost universally agreed on. But to construct that resilience, a philosophical change in how we care for each other and our environment must be made. Health improvement is the guiding principle to lead a recovery away from regressive policies that harm the most vulnerable (and will result in future catastrophes) and point us towards change that supports equity and sustainability, and reinvigorates the Sustainable Development Goal agenda.
Societies start and end with the collective security of the planet. Climate stabilisation must be the cornerstone of the 2020s and beyond, closely entwined with equity. Equity for now, but also for future generations. 2020 was supposed to be the year that The Lancet focused on child and adolescent health, but many of our initiatives were delayed. 2021 demands renewed activity. The Lancet Countdown on climate and health and our 2020 WHO–UNICEF–Lancet Commission, A future for the world's children?, will continue to investigate the impacts of the climate crisis on health and the type of environment that young people can expect to inherit, ahead of COP26.
Countries might justifiably start to look inward to repair the damage after COVID-19. But equitable access, whether to a vaccine, food, or finance, will require global collaboration. The health community should nurture and encourage multilateral partnerships, in which countries share responsibility for each other, as the best way to build strong and just institutions. A complex, synergistic relationship exists between the environment, conflict, migration, and equity, in which the desire for good health is a common denominator. As reported in a World Report, a record number of people will require humanitarian assistance in 2021. The Lancet will publish a Series on women and children living in conflict-affected areas (representing over half of all women and children), and a standing Commission on migration and health will investigate these dynamic relationships.
COVID-19 has proven that the economic and political success of individual countries is founded on the health of its population. The disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on the USA has made clear where the Trump administration's lack of public health response and espousal of health-harming policies have accelerated negative outcomes. A forthcoming Lancet Commission on public policy and health in the Trump era will serve as a call to action for the new Biden administration to refresh the way health is valued in the USA. Without health, there is no productivity, no GDP, no trade, and no education.
The case for universal health coverage has never been clearer; yet it has not guaranteed success against COVID-19. The UK NHS is a renowned universal health-care system, but years of underfunding and short-term political agendas have led to an unnecessarily poor response to COVID-19. The Lancet Commission on the NHS will be published in early 2021 and explores how a system run on efficiency and restricted resources has resulted in a lag in life expectancy and infant mortality compared with other high-income countries. Health-care systems will need to prioritise resilience and sustainability to overcome the collective challenges of shifting demographics, climate change, and increased demand.
This week, a Health Policy piece in The Lancet scrutinises the disparities between a global health security agenda and fragmented universal health coverage systems. It indicates that a new understanding of preparedness must develop—one that appreciates that the baseline level of health in a population dictates how well a country will fare in a crisis. New Zealand and Germany are examples of countries whose sustained investment in the health of their people has paid off during COVID-19.
In 2020, death featured as a shared human experience. The Lancet Commission on the value of death argues for a reanalysis of dying. How populations collectively value the health of individual lives (and deaths), irrespective of age or economic activity, prime a society's overarching ideology and predicate the humanity and identity of a state. For a long time, health has been considered by politicians as secondary to other aspects of governing: an added bonus that can be moulded, a budget that can be reallocated, a policy that can be sidelined, instead of the driving force of a functioning economy. In 2021, The Lancet will continue to put social justice at the centre of our work, and we will strengthen our commitment to argue for health as a foundational value and outcome for all other aspects of society.
 

As the New C.D.C. Chief, I’ll Tell You the Truth

Even when the news is bleak.

Dr. Walensky has been nominated by President-elect Biden to be the director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Last Wednesday, the same day our nation’s Capitol was in the grips of an insurrection, the United States recorded 3,964 deaths from Covid-19, a record high. That day, Covid-19 claimed a life every 22 seconds. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention predicts that this month the country will surpass more than 400,000 deaths from Covid.

The challenge ahead is enormous.

On Jan. 20, I will begin leading the C.D.C., which was founded in 1946 to meet precisely the kinds of challenges posed by this pandemic. I agreed to serve as C.D.C. director because I believe in the agency’s mission and commitment to knowledge, statistics and guidance. I will do so by leading with facts, science and integrity — and being accountable for them, as the C.D.C. has done since its founding 75 years ago.

I acknowledge that our team of scientists will have to work very hard to restore public trust in the C.D.C., at home and abroad, because it has been undermined over the last year. In that time, numerous reports stated that White House officials interfered with official guidance issued by the C.D.C.

As chief of the infectious diseases division at Massachusetts General Hospital, I and many others found these reports to be extremely disturbing. The C.D.C.’s science — the gold standard for the nation’s public health — has been tarnished. Hospitals, doctors, state health officials and others rely on the guidance of the C.D.C., not just for Covid-19 policies around quarantine, isolation, testing and vaccination, but also for staying healthy while traveling, strategies to prevent obesity, information on food safety and more.

As C.D.C. director, it will be my responsibility to make sure that the public trusts the agency’s guidance and that its staff feels supported. On my first day, I will ask Anne Schuchat, the principal deputy director, with 32 years of experience at the C.D.C., to begin a comprehensive review to ensure that all existing guidance related to Covid-19 is evidence-based and free of politics.

Restoring the public’s trust in the C.D.C. is crucial. Hospitals and health care providers are beyond tired, beyond stretched. I know because I have stood among them, on the front lines of the Covid-19 response in Massachusetts. We also face the need for the largest public health operation in a century, vaccinating the population — twice — to protect ourselves and each other from a surging pandemic. Because the impact of Covid-19 does not fall equally on everyone, we must redouble our efforts to reach every corner of the U.S. population.

The Interpreter: Original insights, commentary and discussions on the major news stories of the week.

The research and guidance provided by the civil servants at the C.D.C. should continue regardless of what political party is in power. Novel scientific breakthroughs do not follow four-year terms. As I start my new duties, I will tell the president, Congress and the public what we know when we know it, and I will do so even when the news is bleak, or when the information may not be what those in the administration want to hear.  

Never before has the C.D.C.’s partnership with Congress been so important. Last year demonstrated how a frail, poorly tended public health infrastructure can bring a great country to its knees. Public health has been diminished and underfunded for years. The relief package that Congress passed in December is a good start, but more funds will surely be needed to increase the pace of the vaccine rollout; to strengthen data reporting, management and analytics; and to conduct proper surveillance not just of this virus but also of future pathogenic threats.

Our successful recovery from this virus requires us to make sure that those who have suffered disproportionately are no longer left behind. As the C.D.C. director, I will work to address inequities that have left African-Americans, Latinos and Native Americans hospitalized and dying at disproportionately higher rates from Covid-19, by focusing on the health conditions that are prevalent in communities of color.

Our nation faces untold collateral damage from this pandemic. Life expectancy rates among middle-age adults had already decreased in recent years. Data will likely show that in the past year we have lost more hard-earned ground on immunizing children, helping people control their blood pressure and reducing rates of preventable chronic conditions. Rates of substance-use, opioid overdoses, depression and suicide have soared. We are in the middle of a behavioral health crisis that demands intervention.

I promise to work with my colleagues at the C.D.C. to harness the power of American science and confront these challenges.

Rochelle P. Walensky (@rwalensky) chief of the division of infectious diseases at Massachusetts General Hospital and a professor at Harvard Medical School, has been nominated by President-elect Biden to be the director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/11/opinion/rochelle-walensky-cdc-director.html?

 

Jeff Bezos, Jamie Dimon and Warren Buffett tried to solve health care. 3 years later, their company has shut down

New York (CNN Business)Haven, an ambitious health care company formed just three years ago as a partnership between Amazon, Warren Buffett's Berkshire Hathaway and JPMorgan Chase, is shutting down.

"Haven will end its operations at the end of February," said Haven spokesperson Brooke Thurston in an email to CNN Business. The news was first reported by CNBC.
The venture was created in 2018 with the goal of helping provide better health care services and insurance at a lower cost to workers and families at these three leading American firms -- and potentially to other US companies as well.
But Haven had struggled to make inroads beyond its three partners since its inception. Haven CEO Atul Gawande stepped down last May and chief operating officer Jack Stoddard also left the firm in 2019 after just a few months' tenure.
Spokespeople for JPMorgan Chase (JPM) and Amazon (AMZN) also confirmed to CNN Business that Haven was shutting down. Berkshire Hathaway (BRKB) was not immediately available for comment.
JPMorgan CEO Jamie Dimon wrote in an email to employees that was shared with CNN Business, "Haven worked best as an incubator of ideas, a place to pilot, test and learn -- and a way to share best practices across our companies. Our learnings have been invaluable."
Thurston told CNN Business that "moving forward, Amazon, Berkshire Hathaway, and JPMorgan Chase & Co. will...continue to collaborate informally to design programs tailored to address the specific needs of our individual employee populations and locations."
She added that "the Haven team made good progress exploring a wide range of healthcare solutions, as well as piloting new ways to make primary care easier to access, insurance benefits simpler to understand and easier to use, and prescription drugs more affordable." 
Going forward, the three companies are expected to continue to focus on boosting the health care offerings for their own employees, especially as the Covid-19 vaccine becomes available to a wider group of Americans.
In his email to employees, Dimon said "we're going to take insights we've gained through our joint-venture and build on them." He added that there would be no changes to benefit programs for the bank's workers and that Haven would work with Amazon and Berkshire Hathaway to find new jobs for Haven employees.
Meanwhile, Amazon is ramping up its own efforts in the health care business. The company already owns online pharmacy PillPack and recently launched plans to ship prescriptions to Prime members
Berkshire Hathaway, run by billionaire Warren Buffett, has recently been looking for bargains in the health care sector.
Berkshire disclosed in November that it bought shares of Covid-19 vaccine developer and Big Pharma leader Pfizer (PFE) in the third quarter. Buffett's firm also invested in AbbVie (ABBV), Bristol-Myers Squibb (BMY) and Merck (MRK).

New Study Reveals Flawed Predictions of Runaway Costs and Usage Under Medicare for All

Analysts who've confidently projected a tsunami of healthcare use and costs after Medicare for All are ignoring history."

by Kenny Stancil - Common Dreams - January 5, 2021

With the Covid-19 pandemic raging and recognition of the inadequacy and injustice of America's for-profit healthcare system at a possible zenith, a new study released Tuesday reveals that projections of large and costly usage increases under a single-payer program have been overstated, bolstering the case that Medicare for All would save both lives and money.

In a paper published Tuesday in Health Affairs, Drs. Adam Gaffney, David Himmelstein, and Steffie Woolhander of Cambridge Health Alliance/Harvard Medical School and James Kahn of the University of California San Francisco—all associated with Physicians for a National Health Program, which advocates for Medicare for All—analyze the relationship between universal healthcare and the use of medical services.

"Nearly all predictions of utilization surges stemming from universal coverage expansions are overestimates."
—Gaffney et al., Health Affairs

What the researchers find is that most estimates of the effect of universal coverage expansion on healthcare utilization are overblown, adding to a growing consensus that Medicare for All is less costly than previously thought due to lower administrative costs and usage rates that increase only slightly or not at all.

The authors anticipate that "debate over public coverage expansion and its costs" is likely to grow as a result of the pandemic's exposure of the problems with employment-based insurance and the return of a Democratic administration to the White House.

In contrast to most models of the relationship between coverage expansions and utilization changes, the authors' findings, based on examining the history of past coverage expansions in the U.S. and 10 other affluent countries, are more modest.

While demand for medical services is elastic, meaning that "people use more healthcare when the price they pay is lower and less care when prices rise," the authors contend that prior research documenting the effect of coverage expansions on healthcare use and costs have underestimated the impact of "supply-side constraints."

Although the number of physicians and hospital beds is malleable in the long-run, current limitations on supply can provoke a reduction in the provision of low-value services and yield a more egalitarian prioritization of care, the authors say.

As Dr. Gaffney explained in a statement Tuesday,  "Our findings clash with the traditional economic teaching: that giving people free access to care would cause demand and utilization to soar."

"That traditional thinking ignores the 'supply' side of the health care equation: doctors' and nurses' time and hospital beds are limited, and mostly already fully occupied," Gaffney added. "When doctors get busier, they prioritize care according to need, and provide less unnecessary care to those with minimal needs to make way for patients with real needs."

Between 1973 and 2020, various models have projected utilization increases ranging from 2% to at least 21%, but according to the authors, "nearly all predictions of utilization surges stemming from universal coverage expansions are overestimates."

There are a handful of studies that have sought to quantify how extending coverage to individuals affects healthcare consumption, but "the effect of universal coverage on society-wide utilization may differ from the effects of providing coverage for individuals," the authors write.

"Past society-wide coverage expansions haven't caused surges in healthcare use, so analysts who've confidently projected a tsunami of healthcare use and costs after Medicare for All are ignoring history," said Dr. Woolhandler. 

According to the authors' review of the historical record, "universal coverage expansion would increase ambulatory visits by 7-10% and hospital use by 0-3%," while "modest administrative savings could offset the costs of such increases."

Notwithstanding discrepancies about the extent to which usage rates change in relation to coverage expansions, one finding shared by all analyses, the authors emphasize, is that "utilization-related cost increases would be partially or fully offset by savings on drug prices or reductions in provider fees, waste, and administrative costs."

As Common Dreams reported last month, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) has estimated that implementing a single-payer health insurance program in the U.S. would reduce overall healthcare spending nationwide by about $650 billion per year.

"When doctors get busier, they prioritize care according to need, and provide less unnecessary care to those with minimal needs to make way for patients with real needs."
—Dr. Adam Gaffney, Harvard Medical School

Between the CBO's finding that Medicare for All's administrative cost savings have been underestimated and Gaffney et al.'s finding that the effects of universal coverage reforms on healthcare utilization and costs have been overestimated, it is becoming increasingly clear that in addition to saving lives, Medicare for All would be less expensive than previously acknowledged.

"In projecting the impacts of coverage expansions, analysts who fail to accurately account for supply-side factors will overestimate the costs of reform," the authors write. "Such errors may cause policymakers to mistakenly conclude that reforms that would cover millions of Americans are unaffordable."

"Conversely," they continue, "policies that increase the supply of medical resources are likely to increase utilization, even without coverage expansions... Supply expansions that are not tailored to need could have the unintended consequences of boosting the provision of low-value care and costs."

The authors insist that like other countries, the U.S. can constrain "utilization and cost growth without resorting to cost barriers while achieving universal coverage and a more equitable distribution of care."

As Matt Bruenig of the People's Policy Project wrote last month, "The barriers to the policy are not technical deficiencies or costs, but rather political opposition from Republicans and conservative Democrats who would rather spend more money to provide less healthcare."

https://www.commondreams.org/news/2021/01/05/new-study-reveals-flawed-predictions-runaway-costs-and-usage-under-medicare-all 

 

 

With New Majority, Here’s What Democrats Can (and Can’t) Do on Health Care

Senate control opens up new possibilities, but the party will still need to contend with arcane rules and the challenges of a narrow majority.

by Sarah Kliff and Margot Sanger-Katz - January 

 

The Democrats’ new congressional majority puts a variety of health policy ideas suddenly into reach, even if big structural changes remain unlikely.

A series of tweaks bolstering the Affordable Care Act stands the best chance of passage. Legislators could make insurance subsidies more generous, get coverage to low-income Americans in states that haven’t expanded Medicaid, and render moot a pending Supreme Court lawsuit that aims to overturn the entire law.

But structural overhauls like “Medicare for all,” which would move all Americans to a government-run health plan, face a much tougher road. So would elements of Joe Biden’s health agenda, such as a public option, which would give Americans a choice between a new public plan and private insurance.

Most legislation in Congress effectively requires 60 votes in the Senate because of procedural rules. But a budget maneuver called reconciliation can allow legislators to pass certain bills with a bare majority of votes. With Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff in the Senate, Democrats will have just enough votes to control the chamber.

However, reconciliation bills must follow a set of complicated requirements known as the “Byrd Rule.” The simplest way of thinking about them is that legislative provisions have to be budgetary to be allowed. That means that the process isn’t ideal for writing large-scale health reform, experts say, but it may be the best tool Democrats have to pass laws with their slim majority.

“The Democrats have to deal with Robert Byrd and his nattering little rule that hasn’t gone away,” said Rodney Whitlock, a vice president at McDermott+Consulting and a former health aide to Senator Chuck Grassley who worked on reconciliation bills during his Senate tenure.

Legislators have often turned to reconciliation to pass health policy when their majority is slim. Democrats used it in 2010 to pass final tweaks to the Affordable Care Act after losing their supermajority. Republicans used it in a failed effort to repeal the health law in 2017 and in a successful attempt later the same year to make changes to the tax code.

There are six areas of health policy where congressional aides and health policy experts could see Democrats focusing their efforts this year. Smaller policy reforms are expected to be easier, both legally and politically, while more ambitious policies may not easily slot into reconciliation’s strict rules — or the political preferences of enough Democratic lawmakers.

Congress is most likely to act on a set of changes meant to expand the Affordable Care Act and to make health coverage less expensive for those who buy their own plans. One priority is raising the income ceiling for those who receives subsidies, expanding the number of people who qualify for help. Another is rewriting formulas to peg the size of the subsidy to a more generous health insurance plan, a way to increase the amount of assistance.

Democrats in the House passed such policies last year, which the Republican-controlled Senate did not take up.

Dealbook: An examination of the major business and policy headlines and the power brokers who shape them.

Because these changes are largely budgetary — focused on the size of certain tax credits — most experts agree they would be an easy target for reconciliation, and may need only a simple majority to become law.

Democratic legislators may also be eager to protect the A.C.A. another way, passing legislation that would neuter Texas v. California, the pending Supreme Court challenge that argues the entire A.C.A. is unconstitutional.

That lawsuit came about because of legislation that a Republican-controlled Congress passed in 2017, lowering the penalty for not carrying health insurance to zero dollars. Democrats could use reconciliation to reverse those changes, although they’d be likely to reinstate only a nominal fee for going uninsured.

In the 12 states that do not participate in the health law’s Medicaid expansion, millions of low-income Americans are left without affordable coverage options. Many Democrats are eager to change this but have so far been stymied by states’ decisions to decline the program.

In his campaign plan, President-elect Biden proposed fixing this problem by allowing these patients to enroll in a new public health plan. That type of policy may be too complex to move through reconciliation, but simpler policy options could also do the trick. One option that has been floated is to extend the Affordable Care Act’s tax credits to this population — they wouldn’t get to enroll in Medicaid, but they would have access to a highly subsidized private plan on the health law’s marketplace.

Congress could also pursue policies that would encourage more states to expand Medicaid. The recent House bill offered to pay the entire bill for the three initial years of Medicaid expansion if states choose it.

The Democratic House’s other big recent health bill was an effort to lower the prices of certain expensive prescription drugs. Lowering drug prices has been a Democratic policy priority for many years, and one that Mr. Biden endorses, at least in general. President Trump has championed legislation on drug prices as well, as has Mr. Grassley, but many Republican lawmakers dislike the proposals, and the current Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell, has never allowed such a bill on the floor.

Experts thought that certain drug pricing controls might be possible with reconciliation, since they have clear budgetary effects. But the politics of passage could be difficult with narrow majorities in both the House and Senate and such strong opposition from the drug industry.

President-elect Biden included a public health insurance option, available to all Americans, in his 2020 campaign platform. The slim majority in the Senate, however, may make it hard to move this type of plan forward.

Even if there were unanimous support among Democratic senators, the public option isn’t a policy that fits neatly into reconciliation’s rigid rules. Congressional procedure experts say it would need to include nonbudgetary policies, such as defining a package of benefits, that would require a more conventional legislative process.

And unanimity among 50 Democratic senators may be a big political challenge in any case. When Congress last debated the public option in 2010, it split the Democratic caucus and couldn’t garner enough support to pass.

“The way the public option saves money is by paying providers less,” said Cynthia Cox, a vice president at the Kaiser Family Foundation. “Right now, providers are a pretty sympathetic group with the pandemic. I think there would be a lot of opposition from hospitals and doctors.”

A Medicare for all health plan, long championed by Senator Bernie Sanders, would end private health insurance and move all Americans into a generous government-run insurance plan. Democratic primary contenders split on this policy, with President-elect Biden opposing such an approach.

There are versions of Medicare for all that might work within the confines of the reconciliation process, such as a simple expansion of the current Medicare program to cover Americans younger than 65. But the more detailed policy Mr. Sanders and his co-sponsors envision might be harder to defend as budgetary.

The larger obstacle to such a plan is more likely political than procedural. Currently, a majority of House Democrats back Medicare for all, but that would not be nearly enough votes to pass such a bill. An even smaller share of senators back the plan.

“It’s certainly a steep, uphill, rocky path that they probably can’t climb, and that’s assuming 50 Democrats even want to put on their hiking boots,” said Sarah Binder, a professor of political science at George Washington University.

https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/07/upshot/biden-democrats-heath-plans.html?action=click&module=Top%20Stories&pgtype=Homepage 

Editor's Note -

 Here is another powerful argument for Universal Health Care:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=39To8GV4oOU 

-SPC

 

When Biden Takes Office, Undoing Trump's Health Policies Won't Be Easy 

by Kaiser Health News - NPR - January 9, 2021

Even with Democrats technically in the majority in Congress, the party split is so slim that passing major health care legislation will be extremely difficult.

So speculation about President-elect Joe Biden's health agenda has focused on the things he can accomplish using executive authority. Although there is a long list of things he could do, even longer is the list of things he is being urged to undo — actions taken by President Trump.

While Trump was not able to make good on his highest-profile health-related promises from his 2016 campaign — including repealing the Affordable Care Act and broadly lowering prescription drug prices — his administration did make substantial changes to the nation's health care system using executive branch authority. And many of those changes are anathema to Democrats, particularly those aimed at hobbling the ACA.

For example, the Trump administration made it easier for those who buy their own insurance to purchase cheaper plans that don't cover all the ACA benefits and may not cover pre-existing conditions. It also eliminated protections from discrimination in health care to people who are transgender.

Trump's use of tools like regulations, guidance and executive orders to modify health programs "was like an attack by a thousand paper cuts," said Maura Calsyn, managing director of health policy at the Center for American Progress, a liberal-leaning think tank. Approaching the November election, she said, "the administration was in the process of doing irreparable harm to the nation's health care system."

Reversing many of those changes will be a big part of Biden's health agenda, in many cases coming even before trying to act on his own campaign pledges, such as creating a government-sponsored health plan as part of the ACA.

Chris Jennings, a health aide to former Presidents Barack Obama and Bill Clinton, said he refers to those Trump health policies as "bird droppings. As in you have to clean up the bird droppings before you have a clean slate." Republicans, when they take over from a Democratic administration, think of their predecessors' policies the same way.

Though changing policies made by the executive branch seems easy, that's not always the case.

"These are issue-by-issue determinations that must be made, and they require process evaluation, legal evaluation, resource consideration and timeliness," said Jennings. In other words, some policies will take more time and personnel resources than others. And health policies will have to compete for White House attention with policies the new administration will want to change on anything from the environment to immigration to education.

Even within health care, issues as diverse as the operations of the ACA marketplaces to women's reproductive health to stem cell research will vie to be high on the list.

Why the changes are hard to reverse

Some types of actions are easier to reverse than others.

Executive orders issued by the president, for example, can be summarily overturned by a new executive order. Agency "guidance" can similarly be written over, although the Trump administration has worked to make that more onerous.

Since the 1980s, for example, every time the presidency has changed parties, one of the incoming president's first actions has been to issue an executive order to either reimpose or eliminate the "Mexico City Policy" that governs funding for international family planning organizations that "perform or promote" abortion. Why do new administrations address abortion so quickly? Because the anniversary of the landmark Supreme Court abortion decision Roe v. Wade is two days after Inauguration Day, so the action is always politically timely.

Harder to change are formal regulations, such as one effectively banning Planned Parenthood from the federal family planning program, Title X. They are governed by a law, the Administrative Procedure Act, that lays out a very specific — and often time-consuming — process. "You have to cross your i's and dot your legal t's," said Nicholas Bagley, who teaches administrative law at the University of Michigan Law School.

And if you don't? Then regulations can be challenged in court — as those of the Trump administration were dozens of times. That's something Biden officials will take pains to avoid, said Calsyn. "I would expect to see very deliberate notice and comment rule-making, considering the reshaped judiciary" with so many Trump-appointed judges, she said.

What comes first?

Undoing a previous administration's actions in a new administration is an exercise in trying to push many things through a very narrow tube in a short time. Department regulations have to go not just through the leadership in each department, but also through the Office of Management and Budget "for a technical review, cost-benefit analysis and legal authority," said Bagley. "That can take time."

Complicating matters, many health regulations emanate not just from the Department of Health and Human Services, but jointly from HHS and other departments, including Labor and Treasury, which likely means more time to negotiate decisions among multiple departments.

Finally, said Bagley, "for really high-profile things, you've got to get the president's attention, and he's got limited time, too." Anything pandemic-related is likely to come first, he said.

Some items get pushed to the front of the line due to calendar considerations, as with the abortion executive orders. Others need more immediate attention because they are part of active court cases.

"You have all these court schedules and briefing schedules that will dictate the timeline where they make all these decisions," said Katie Keith, a health policy researcher and law professor at Georgetown University.

A high-profile example in that category is the Trump administration's efforts to allow states to set work requirements for many low-income adults who gained Medicaid coverage under the Affordable Care Act's expansion of the program. The Supreme Court has agreed to hear a case challenging HHS approval of work requirements for Arkansas and New Hampshire in the next few months. Some Democrats are concerned about how the high court with its new conservative majority might rule, and the Biden administration will have to move fast if officials decide they want to head off that case.

But court actions also might help the Biden administration short-circuit the onerous regulatory process. If a regulation the new administration wants to rewrite or repeal has already been blocked by a court, Biden officials can simply choose not to appeal that ruling. That's what Trump did in ending insurance company subsidies for enrollees with low incomes in 2017.

Allowing a lower-court ruling to stand, however, is not a foolproof strategy. "That raises the possibility of having someone [else] intervene," said Keith. For example, Democratic attorneys general stepped in to defend the ACA in a case now pending at the Supreme Court when the Trump administration chose not to. "So, you have to be pretty strategic about not appealing," she said.

Adding on?

One other big decision for the incoming administration is whether it wants to use the opportunity to tweak or add to Trump policies rather than eliminate them. "Is it undoing and full stop?" asked Keith. "Or undoing and adding on?"

She said there is "a full slate of ideologically neutral" policies Trump put out, including ones on price transparency and prescription drugs. If Biden officials don't want to keep those as they are, they can rewrite them and advance other policies at the same time, saving a round of regulatory effort.

But none of it is easy — or fast.

One big problem is just having enough bodies available to do the work. "There was so much that undermined and hollowed out the federal workforce; there's a lot of rebuilding that needs to done," said Calsyn of the Center for American Progress. And Trump officials ran so roughshod over the regulatory process in many cases, she said, "even putting those processes back in place is going to be hard."

Incoming officials will also have other time-sensitive work to do. Writing regulations for the newly passed ban on "surprise" medical bills will almost certainly be a giant political fight between insurers and health care providers, who will try to re-litigate the legislation as it is implemented. Rules for insurers who sell policies under the ACA will need to be written almost immediately after Biden takes office.

Anyone waiting for a particular Trump policy to be wiped from the books will likely have to pack their patience. But law professor Bagley said he's optimistic it will all get done.

"One of the things we've grown unaccustomed to is a competent administration," he said. "When people are competent, they can do a lot of things pretty quickly."

https://www.mainepublic.org/post/when-biden-takes-office-undoing-trumps-health-policies-wont-be-easy 

 

An 11th-Hour Approval for Major Changes to Medicaid in Tennessee

The Trump administration’s move, which Biden could eventually reverse, would loosen program rules and cap the state’s funding as part of a block grant.

by Margot Sanger Katz - NYT - January 8, 2021

With 12 days to go, the Trump administration on Friday approved a long-held conservative goal: to issue a state’s Medicaid funding as a spending-capped block grant.

The structural experiment in Tennessee, which would become effective once approved by the state legislature, would last for 10 years. Block grants for Medicaid have been a priority for Seema Verma, the administrator for the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services and a former consultant who helped states write waiver requests.

“What we tried to do was take some of what we thought were some of the wins, some of the positive things about block grants people have talked about for years,” Ms. Verma said. “And we tried to go through and address some of the criticisms.”

Patient advocates in Tennessee, who fear the new structure would cause poor people to lose access to health care, say they plan a court challenge, and the Biden administration will almost certainly seek to reverse it when it takes over the Department of Health and Human Services.

But in the last week, the Trump administration has tried to slow the reversal of its Medicaid experiments. Traditionally, such waivers are agreements between H.H.S. and states that can be severed with minimal fuss. But Ms. Verma has sent letters to state Medicaid directors, asking them to sign, “as soon as possible,” new contracts that detail more elaborate processes for terminating waivers. Under the contract terms, the federal agency pledges not to end a waiver with less than nine months of notice.

“It’s so blatant,” said Joan Alker, the executive director at the Georgetown Center for Children and Families. “She’s trying to handcuff the Biden administration.”

Dealbook: An examination of the major business and policy headlines and the power brokers who shape them.

Ms. Verma said the contracts were a way of ensuring that waivers were revoked only if they were harmful. “We want to make sure that people don’t come into office and on a political whim terminate waivers,” she said.

The waiver allows Tennessee, one of a dozen states that haven’t adopted Medicaid expansion under Obamacare, to abandon the normal structure of the Medicaid program. In that structure, the federal government establishes detailed rules for who must be covered and what benefits they are offered in exchange for an open-ended commitment to pay a share of Medicaid patients’ bills. Tennessee would be given new freedom to alter what services its program covers, but its funding each year would be capped according to a formula.

If Tennessee spends less than the block grant amount, it will be allowed to keep 55 percent of the savings to spend on a broad array of services related to “health.” If it spends more, the difference will need to be made up with state funds. The waiver establishes some limitations on the aspects of the program that can be changed and would allow the spending cap to grow if more people enrolled in Medicaid, as typically happens in an economic downturn.

A key area of flexibility in the waiver relates to prescription drugs. In general, Medicaid must cover a wide variety of medications but is guaranteed to pay the lowest price of any purchaser in the United States. Tennessee will be allowed to renegotiate prices with drugmakers and can decline to cover drugs if it deems the prices too high. Massachusetts had submitted a waiver asking for a similar authority without a broader block grant, and it was denied.

In Tennessee, doctors and hospital groups, among others, have criticized the proposal. “The vast majority of comments C.M.S. received opposed Tennessee’s proposed demonstration,” the approval document noted.

Gov. Bill Lee, a Republican, described the program as a “legacy achievement.”

“We have shown that a partnership is a better model than dependence,” he told reporters.

Waivers have been a centerpiece of Ms. Verma’s tenure at the Medicaid agency. In addition to the Tennessee block grant waiver, she has approved Medicaid work requirements for certain adults in 12 states. Federal courts have repeatedly overturned those waivers, and few of them are in effect.

Michele Johnson, executive director of the Tennessee Justice Center, a legal aid group that helps poor Tennesseans, said she was trying to encourage legislators to reject the waiver. A block grant, which she has always opposed, is a particularly poor match for a public health crisis, she said, in which health spending could accelerate in unusual ways. “The only way this makes sense is in the context of the Trump administration burning everything down on their way out the door,” she said.

She also noted a history of challenges the state has faced running its more traditional Medicaid program. “It’s hard to imagine a state that would be a worse fit for a block grant than ours,” she said.

https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/08/upshot/medicaid-tennessee-trump-biden.html?

 

Income-Related Inequality In Affordability And Access To Primary Care In Eleven High-Income Countries

Income-Related Inequality In Affordability And Access To Primary Care In Eleven High-Income Countries

By Michelle M. Doty, Roosa S. Tikkanen, Molly FitzGerald, Katharine Fields, and Reginald D. Williams

Abstract

A high-performing health care system strives to achieve universal access, affordability, high-quality care, and equity, aiming to reduce inequality in outcomes and access. Using data from the 2020 Commonwealth Fund International Health Policy Survey, we report on health status, socioeconomic risk factors, affordability, and access to primary care among US adults compared with ten other high-income countries. We highlight health experiences among lower-income adults and compare income-related disparities between lower- and higher-income adults across countries. Results indicate that among adults with lower incomes, those in the US fare relatively worse on affordability and access to primary care than those in other countries, and income-related disparities across domains are relatively greater throughout. The presence of these disparities should strengthen the resolve to find solutions to eliminate income-related inequality in affordability and primary care access.

From the Introduction

Despite decades of wide-ranging policies in the US and other countries to eliminate health inequality, income-related disparities in health outcomes and access have persisted, and in the case of the US, they have widened over time. Although the health disadvantage in the US predates the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, the US health care system is under renewed scrutiny because the pandemic has exposed stark disparities in economic outcomes and mortality from the virus for socioeconomically disadvantaged people, as well as Black and Latino people, in the US. In other countries, the crisis triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic has aggravated existing challenges to access and prompted calls to strengthen the resiliency of national health systems.

For more than two decades the Commonwealth Fund International Health Policy surveys have been used to benchmark US health system performance with that of other high-income countries. These studies have documented that compared with other high-income countries, the US ranks last or near last on health outcomes, access, affordability, and equity. Numerous studies have found that income-related inequality in morbidity, life expectancy, and accessibility is greater in the US than in other advanced economies. Although the US health disadvantage is well known, timely cross-national comparisons of health care experiences by income can help policy makers assess relative health system performance and guide policies that have the potential to eliminate income-related health disparities and improve health outcomes for all.

From the Discussion

Our study confirms findings from previous research that adults with lower incomes in the US were far more likely than those in the other high-income nations studied here to go without needed health care because of costs, to face medical bill burdens, and to struggle to afford basic necessities such as housing and healthy food.

Furthermore, findings indicate that income-related disparities in health status, affordability, and primary care access were most pronounced in the US, supporting other evidence that the US health disadvantage is considerable. Notably, income-related disparities in affordability and access were smallest in Germany, and only in the US were there consistently wide income disparities on all measures related to accessible primary care.

Yet these problems are not confined to the economically disadvantaged. Several studies have found that US adults with higher incomes or socioeconomic status may experience poorer health than their counterparts in peer countries. We found that higher-income adults in the US were more likely than their peers in most countries studied to forgo needed health care because of the cost. The relatively high prices Americans pay for health care, as well as the growing problem of underinsurance, fail to protect insured adults in the US from high out-of-pocket spending, leading to problems with affordability and access to care even among those with higher incomes.

Several characteristics differentiate the US health system from those in other high-income countries in this study, which may contribute to the larger income-related inequalities observed in the US.

First, the US lacks universal health coverage, which matters for population health outcomes.

Second, despite decades of research demonstrating that countries with robust primary care have greater equity, better quality, and lower per capita costs, the US underinvests in primary care.

Third, relative to most of the high-income countries in this study, the US underinvests in the upstream social determinants of health and social services that would support healthy living conditions, livelihoods, and better health for the population.

Conclusion

The US has the opportunity to commit to policy and practice changes that will make progress toward eliminating income-related health inequality, ultimately improving both outcomes and equity on a national scale. Decisive action is needed to advance policies that will improve insurance coverage, increase affordability, strengthen primary care, and increase investments that address the social determinants of health.

 
 

Dr. Marcella Nunez-Smith Takes Aim at Racial Gaps in Health Care

Appointed head of the incoming administration’s task force on health equity, the Yale University scientist “is not sitting in her ivory tower.”

- NYT - January 8, 2021

Growing up in the United States Virgin Islands, Dr. Marcella Nunez-Smith saw firsthand what can happen in a community with limited access to health care. Her father, Moleto “Bishop” Smith Sr., was only in his 40s when he suffered a debilitating stroke that left him partly paralyzed and with slurred speech.

The cause was high blood pressure, which could have been treated but had never been diagnosed. Without prompt access to advanced treatments, “the stroke was allowed to run its course,” Dr. Nunez-Smith, 45, recalled in a recent interview. Her father never fully recovered.

“He was a champion and a fighter,” she said. “But my memories are of a father who had to live life with this daily reminder of how we had failed in terms of our health care. I don’t want another little girl out there to have her father suffer a stroke that is debilitating and life-altering in that way.”

Now, tapped by President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. to lead a new federal task force, Dr. Nunez-Smith, an associate professor of internal medicine, public health and management at Yale University, will address a terrible reality of American medicine: persistent racial and ethnic disparities in access and care, the sort that contributed to her father’s disability.

Dr. Nunez-Smith has an expansive vision for the job, with plans to target medical resources and relief funds to vulnerable communities but also to tackle the underlying social and economic inequalities that put them at risk.

Her goals are ambitious, experts noted.

“For so long, we’ve been setting our sights on the more achievable goals and attempted to say, ‘We probably can’t have totally equitable care, so let’s at least make sure minority patients get insurance, or at least make sure there’s a health clinic in their community,’” said Dr. Utibe R. Essien, an assistant professor of medicine at the University of Pittsburgh School of Medicine who studies racial disparities in cardiovascular disease.

“This is a great opportunity to stretch and reach for what’s been imagined for decades, if not centuries,” he said.

Racial health disparities represent a vast, structural challenge in this country, made all the more stark by the raging pandemic. Black, Latino and Native Americans are infected with the coronavirus and hospitalized with Covid-19 at higher rates than white Americans, and they have died of the illness at nearly three times the rate, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

“Making sure communities hardest hit by the pandemic have access to safe, effective vaccines remains a priority,” Dr. Nunez-Smith said. But “what’s needed to ensure equity in the recovery is not limited to health and health care. We have to have conversations about housing stability and food security and educational equity, and pathways to economic opportunities and promise.”

Many factors have contributed to higher rates of infection and severe disease in minority communities. Black, Latino and Native Americans are more likely to live in crowded households than white people, and less likely to be able to work from home. Minority Americans have higher rates of underlying health problems that increase their risk for severe Covid-19, and they often have limited access to medical care. Asian-Americans have been infected at a lower rate than white Americans, yet have had a slightly higher rate of both hospitalizations and deaths.

While almost every American now knows someone who has been affected by Covid-19, in communities of color at least one third of people have lost someone close to them. “Think about the individual toll that takes,” Dr. Nunez-Smith said. “These are people’s parents, friends and love

Dr. Nunez-Smith currently serves as one of three co-chairs on an advisory board advising the Biden transition team on management of the pandemic. Colleagues describe her as a brilliant scientist with a gift for building consensus, a sharp contrast to the politically driven administration officials who guided the response during the Trump era.

“She is a national gem,” said Dr. Harlan Krumholz, a professor of medicine at Yale School of Medicine. “This is a person who spends her days thinking about how we can make health care more equitable, and what interventions can address these disparities.”

At Yale, Dr. Nunez-Smith wears many hats — practicing internist, scientist, teacher, mentor and the director of several research centers. She directs Yale’s Equity Research and Innovation Center, which she founded, as well as a research collaborative funded by the National Institutes of Health to study chronic disease in Puerto Rico, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados, and the United States Virgin Islands.

But she also is involved in community organizations like the Community Foundation for Greater New Haven and Connecticut Voices for Children. “She’s not sitting in her ivory tower,” said Christina Ciociola, senior vice president for grant-making and strategy at the foundation.

“She is out on the front lines,” Ms. Ciociola said. “She sees patients, and she’s seen friends and colleagues suffer with this illness. She’s lost people to the pandemic.”

Dr. Nunez-Smith’s early interest in medicine was encouraged by her mother, a retired nursing professor, who instilled her commitment to community or, as she puts it, “the village.” Her grandmother played a pivotal role in her life, as did her godfather, a surgeon who still practices in St. Thomas.

Her mother filled the home with medical books. “She said I could read anything I could reach,” Dr. Nunez-Smith recalled. “I started early on learning medicine and nursing texts, and became fascinated with the human body and biology.”

Over time, she came to understand the importance of health policy and its repercussions in places like the U.S. territories, where lower federal payments for services affect access to care and high quality medical care is limited. (A recent study she co-wrote found that older women in the U.S. territories with breast cancer waited longer for surgery and radiation, and were less likely to get state-of-the-art care, than their counterparts in other regions of the United States.)

After graduating from high school at age 16, Dr. Nunez-Smith attended Swarthmore College in Pennsylvania, majoring in biological anthropology and psychology, and went on to earn a medical degree at Jefferson Medical College, now called the Sidney Kimmel Medical College.

She completed a residency and internship at Harvard’s Brigham and Women’s Hospital, and then a fellowship at the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation Clinical Scholars Program, where she also received a master’s degree in health sciences.

Some of her research has been informed by her own experiences as a Black female physician, she said. She still encounters hospital patients who assume she has come into the room to collect their meal tray or empty their trash, even though she introduces herself as a doctor and has a stethoscope hanging around her neck.

In studies of attitudes toward the health care system among Black patients, she has found that distrust is rampant. A survey of 604 Black Americans, carried out in May jointly by Dr. Nunez-Smith’s Equity and Research Innovation Center and the N.A.A.C.P., found that more than half believed Black people were less likely than white people to get access to coronavirus tests when testing was scarce, and that they were less likely to be admitted to the hospital when needed. More than half thought that hospitalized Black patients were less likely to “have everything done to save their lives.”

The survey also found that over one-third of Black respondents had lost a job or seen their hours reduced. Nearly one-third said they did not have enough money to buy groceries and had trouble paying rent. Economic pressures keep them going to work even when they fall ill, Dr. Nunez-Smith said.

“People are very worried about surprise bills for seeking care, and this is very different from other countries, where cost is not a consideration,” she said. “How do we make sure there are positive incentives for coming in and getting tested and getting care?”

All of these factors must shape the response to the pandemic, she said. Testing sites must be located in or near low-income communities, for example — they cannot be only drive-through sites used by people who have cars.

Hotel rooms should be provided to people who don’t have space at home to quarantine or isolate after an exposure or positive test. Workplaces must take the steps necessary to keep essential workers safe.

“One size won’t fit everyone — you can’t just say, ‘Everybody stay home and stay safe,’” she said. “There are people whose jobs require them to leave their h

Those hesitant to take a Covid vaccine must be reassured that the vaccines are safe and effective — and that they won’t get a surprise bill later. They need to be told in advance about the predictable side effects.

Scientists who study health equity acknowledged the task force’s goals will be difficult to accomplish, but welcomed the incoming administration’s ambitious focus.

“Yes, it will be hard and we will need to take iterative steps,” said Dr. Clyde W. Yancy, chief of cardiology at Northwestern University Feinberg School of Medicine. “But begin is exactly what we should do, and considering the link between poor health, poor education, poor housing and poverty, a case can be made to target economic development in the most vulnerable communities as an important first step.”

Like many Americans, Dr. Nunez-Smith is juggling work and community responsibilities while raising school-aged children amid a pandemic. She knows the pressures are bound to increase as she takes up difficult new responsibilities.

“Everyone needs a village,” she said. “I feel grateful to have a great supportive spouse, family members. I had a friend drop off several meals yesterday, and someone else is going shopping for us. It’s our village we’re trying to keep safe.