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Wednesday, May 22, 2024

Health Care Reform Articles - May 22. 2024

 Editor's Note -

Apparently, the following clipping is not a joke!

 -SPC

Man Says He Killed His Wife Because He Couldn’t Pay Her Medical Bills

Ronnie Wiggs, of Independence, Mo., was charged with second-degree murder in the strangling death of his wife, who was in the hospital for dialysis treatment, records show.

 by Jesus Jimenez - NYT - May 8, 2024

A Missouri man charged with strangling his wife told the police that he had killed her while she was lying in a hospital bed because he could not take care of her or pay her medical bills, prosecutors said.

The man, Ronnie Wiggs, 75, of Independence, Mo., appeared in court on Monday on a second-degree murder charge, records show. A hearing has been scheduled for Thursday to review his bond of $250,000.

Ellen Wiggs, 72, had been admitted to the Centerpoint Medical Center in Independence, a suburb southeast of Kansas City, Mo., for a new port for her dialysis, according to charging documents and other public records.

At about 7:30 p.m. Friday, Ms. Wiggs, was seen in her room “alert and oriented,” according to court records. Around an hour later, records show a “code blue” call, a hospital announcement that typically means a patient is in cardiac or respiratory arrest. She was unresponsive and did not have a pulse, according to charging documents.

Afterward, “suspicious injuries” were seen on Ms. Wiggs, including redness on her neck and a wound in the middle of her throat, charging documents said. A witness told the police that her injuries were not caused by efforts to save her, records show.

Ms. Wiggs was moved to the intensive care unit, where medical staff members were able to restart her pulse. But after she was found to have no brain activity, hospital workers began preparing to harvest her organs, records show. She was pronounced dead the following morning.

At some point, Mr. Wiggs was overheard by hospital workers saying, “I did it, I killed her, I choked her,” according to the charging documents.

A hospital spokeswoman did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Tuesday.

A lawyer for Mr. Wiggs had not been listed in court records. The Jackson County prosecutor’s office declined to comment on Tuesday.

Mr. Wiggs left the hospital after the attack, but he was later brought back by a relative after his wife was found unresponsive, according to the charging documents.

Mr. Wiggs told the police that he had killed his wife by choking her, placing his hands around her neck and his thumbs on her throat, and that he had covered her mouth and nose to keep her from screaming, according to court records.

Mr. Wiggs told the police that he was depressed, and that he had killed his wife because he could not take care of her or afford to pay her medical bills, according to the charging documents. He also told the police that he had previously tried to kill his wife on two occasions.

Once, Mr. Wiggs told the police, he had tried to kill her when she was in a rehabilitation facility, but she woke up and told him not to do so. Another time, he told the police, he wanted to try to kill her, but he didn’t get the chance because she was hooked up to several machines at a hospital.

https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/07/us/missouri-wife-murder.html 

 

A Hospital Heist Seeks Protection in the Ponzi-Friendliest Court in America

Maureen Tkacik - The American Prospect - May 7, 2024
 

A massive chain of crumbling safety net hospitals that Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) has described as a “ponzi scheme” filed for bankruptcy protection today in the notoriously “debtor friendly” Southern District of Texas bankruptcy court, bringing new urgency to the glacial effort—inasmuch as one exists—to stabilize the hospitals’ finances and bring their jet-setting plunderers to justice. 

The hospital chain in question is, of course, Steward Health, a Boston-born, Dallas-headquartered collection of about 30 nightmarish hospitals mostly located in Florida and Massachusetts, from which insiders have siphoned well over $1 billion. Steward now owes nearly $300 million in unpaid compensation to physicians and other staffers and about $558 million to its top 30 non-insider creditors, including the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services. 

The bankruptcy court is the Houston-based “complex cases panel” in Texas’s southern district, founded by the notorious Judge David R. Jones, who resigned in disgrace last fall after a small creditor in the bankruptcy of the oilfield services firm McDermott International revealed in a court filing that Jones was the live-in boyfriend of one of the attorneys working the bankruptcy, as well as dozens of others over which he had presided. In just one of the many details that connect the two scandals, McDermott’s then-chief financial officer John R. Castellano has been named Steward's chief restructuring officer.

More from Maureen Tkacik

As the Prospect explained in our investigation of the court, the complex cases panel has for years been the foremost destination of ponzified companies seeking to avoid questions and accountability. In the alleged name of speed and “efficiency,” Judge Jones and his former law partner Marvin Isgur quickly canceled all kinds of debts owed to small businesses, asbestos-poisoned retirees, unionized workforces, and retail investors. In the process, they let off the hook private equity firms and other corrupt insiders that had looted oil and gas drillers, retailers, restaurant chains, a prison health care contractor and at least one hospital chain, Pipeline Health, whose dubious 2022 bankruptcy plan was financed by a real estate investment trust called Medical Properties Trust, which also has deep financial ties with Steward. 

Enabling all this reverse wealth redistribution was the bankruptcy juggernaut Kirkland & Ellis, which the aforementioned creditor, Michael Van Deelen, has sued along with Jones for racketeering. An anonymous letter sent to the Prospect in March alleges that judges Jones and Isgur actually traveled to Chicago just before they established the complex cases panel in 2016 to explicitly promise Kirkland’s senior restructuring partners in person that if they began filing major cases, they would “be pleased with the result/outcome.” Not long afterward, Jones and Isgur—the only two judges in the court allowed to handle “complex” cases—were handling more big bankruptcies than any other judge in the country; in 2020 nearly half of all major corporate bankruptcies were filed in the district.

Since then, all the big-time bankruptcy law firms got into the action, many of them using a local firm in Houston called Jackson Walker. Liz Freeman, Jones’ former clerk and then mistress, became a partner at Jackson Walker and argued numerous cases in Jones’ court.

Steward’s firm is Weil Gotshal, which has filed the Chapter 11 cases of Apollo Global Management portfolio company Chuck E. Cheese, Advent International's Serta Simmons and a half dozen PE-controlled energy companies over the past few years. The Serta Simmons bankruptcy, in which Judge Jones endorsed an (allegedly illegal) deal Advent made to cram down haircuts on certain senior bondholders while privileging others, was particularly controversial, and after Jones resigned creditors sued to appeal the settlement. Steward’s lead bankruptcy attorneys, the $1,500 an hour Gabriel Morgan and the even pricier Ray Schrock, also handled the Serta Simmons restructuring.

Jones resigned from the bench in October, but his replacement is unlikely to differ too much from him ideologically: Alfredo Perez is a former Weil Gotshal partner. Steward’s bankruptcy has been assigned to Christopher Lopez, the panel’s rookie third judge, but Lopez frequently assigns his fellow bankruptcy judges to mediate disputes between creditors. So it’s possible that Perez will be invited in to deal with matters pertaining to a case brought by his former firm.

Steward is based in Dallas, not Houston, though unlike Sorrento Therapeutics and other recently bankrupt companies whose only asset in the district when they filed Chapter 11 was a UPS mailbox rented by a Jackson Walker attorney, the chain still operates a troubled hospital in downtown Houston that has been sued for nonpayment by five different vendors in 2024 alone. 

AS THE PROSPECT has detailed extensively in previous articles, Steward was the 2010 creation of a narcissistic cardiac surgeon named Ralph de la Torre and the private equity firm Cerberus, which even at the time had a well-established track record of bankrupting portfolio companies for profit. Together they bought up distressed hospitals from Boston to Youngstown to Utah, mortgaged their assets to the hilt, and stiffed doctors, construction contractors, staffing agencies and even the lunchmeat company at one hospital cafeteria to make their interest payments and pay De La Torre’s inflated salary, which one individual familiar with Steward’s finances estimated at around $16 million per year. 

The hospitals languished without the substantial capital investment required to maintain and upgrade facilities. De La Torre’s supposedly disruptive “business model” began to look increasingly like a dangerous kickback scheme, and then in 2016 Cerberus sold its hospital buildings to Medical Properties Trust for more than twice their assessed value and pocketed the proceeds for their investors. The hospitals themselves were left reeling under the weight of impossible lease payments. 

Steward launched a quixotic expansion effort largely financed by MPT, picking up hospitals discarded by other private equity-owned chains and launching an international division supposedly aimed at converting state-owned hospitals overseas to destinations for “medical tourism.” Steward International’s first big venture involved privatizing three hospitals owned by the government of Malta, where prosecutors would eventually accuse Steward of defrauding the government of 400 million euros and using much of it to pay off various shell companies linked to cronies of the then-prime minister and his corrupt chief of staff Keith Schembri, who worked closely with Steward execs to fast-track the deal and was later charged with fraud, corruption and money laundering. In 2017 a friend and business partner of Schembri's paid two men to assassinate an investigative journalist who had been scrutinizing the hospital deal on her blog; Steward was eventually exiled from the tiny country. 

Steward stiffed doctors, construction contractors, staffing agencies and even the lunchmeat company at one hospital cafeteria.

Back at home and flush with cash from the sale-leaseback, Cerberus was eager to exit Steward, which it finally managed to do in 2020 and 2021 with the help of a byzantine deal orchestrated by MPT, whereby De La Torre “bought” Steward from Cerberus for $335 million, then immediately turned around and used Steward's cash to pay himself a $100 million dividend, with which he purchased and renovated a $40 million mega-yacht. The company also acquired at least two business jets and a private suite at Dallas’s AA Arena, where the NBA’s Mavericks play. 

The hospitals continued to hemorrhage cash, and cope with their problems by simply not paying their bills. Dozens of small businesses sued Steward for nonpayment of services that had been rendered well over a year or more earlier. MPT, meanwhile, used a blend of deceptive accounting tricks, slow-walking and outright fraud to conceal the fact that Steward wasn't paying its $440 million annual rent bill.

The hospitals devolved into conditions a Louisiana physician interviewed by a federal health inspector described as “Third World.” In one Florida hospital where more than a half dozen nurses contacted the Prospect, no fewer than 5,000 bats infested the top floors, forcing the intensive care unit to move down to the second floor, where a burst pipe caused most of the sinks to back up with sewage. At another Steward hospital 30 miles down the highway, a physician described being pressured by Steward brass to refuse care to Medicaid patients and remotely supervise nurses via teleconference software who were performing complex procedures they were woefully unqualified to do. In Massachusetts, a new mother died during surgery after experiencing extensive blood loss at a Steward hospital shortly after the medical device supplier Penumbra repossessed an embolism coil designed to control postpartum bleeding.

Last week, a judge in Malta ordered authorities to seize the assets of De La Torre, two Steward executives and a whole host of the cronies to whom Steward had wired funds as part of its contract to run the Maltese hospitals. But in the United States, authorities have mostly dealt with Steward by sending angry letters. Sen. Warren has penned letters to Steward, De La Torre, Cerberus, MPT and the Australian investment firm Macquarie, asking pointed questions about how many dividends they’ve collected from Steward's carcass. After badgering MPT to disclose Steward's financials to its investors for years, the SEC finally sent the REIT one final irate letter announcing it was making public all its previous letters. 

Upon learning about the bankruptcy filing, the Massachusetts Attorney General Andrea Campbell issued a bland statement almost identical to one she issued four months ago about asking “questions” and demanding “accountability,” with one unintentionally amusing additional sentiment: “We expect the bankruptcy process to bring greater transparency and stability, as well as greater legal oversight over Steward’s operations than before.” Isn’t it pretty to think so! 

Sadly, because bankruptcy courts supersede all other civil proceedings, “greater legal oversight” will not be an outcome of Steward’s chapter 11 filing unless someone, somewhere decides to charge De La Torre, Cerberus, Medical Properties Trust and/or their many conspirators for some of the many crimes they have committed in the process of driving more than three dozen direly needed community hospitals into the ground. If only the Massachusetts Attorney General had the power to do something like that.

 https://prospect.org/health/hospital-heist-steward-friendly-bankruptcy-court-texas/
 

In Battle Over Health Care Costs, Private Equity Plays Both Sides

As medical practices owned by private equity firms fuel overbilling, a payment tool also backed by such investors helps insurers boost their profits.

by Chris Hamby - NYT - April 27- 2024

Insurance companies have long blamed private-equity-owned hospitals and physician groups for exorbitant billing that drives up health care costs. But a tool backed by private equity is helping insurers make billions of dollars and shift costs to patients.

The tool, Data iSight, is the premier offering of a cost-containment firm called MultiPlan that has attracted round after round of private equity investment since positioning itself as a central player in the lucrative medical payments field. Today Hellman & Friedman, the California-based private equity giant, and the Saudi Arabian government’s sovereign wealth fund are among the firm’s largest investors.

The evolution of Data iSight, which recommends how much of each medical bill should be paid, is an untold chapter in the story of private equity’s influence on American health care.

A New York Times investigation of insurers’ relationship with MultiPlan found that countering predatory billing is just one aspect of the collaboration. Low payments have burdened patients with unexpectedly large bills, slashed pay for doctors and other medical professionals and left employers that fund health plans with high, often unanticipated fees — all while making the country’s biggest health insurance companies a lot of money.

Often, when someone gets insurance through an employer and sees a doctor outside the plan’s network, the insurer routes the bill to MultiPlan to recommend an amount to pay. Both MultiPlan and the insurer receive processing fees from the employer, usually based on the size of the final payment: the smaller the payout, the bigger the fees.

This business model has made Data iSight a cash cow. Of the handful of tools MultiPlan offers insurers, Data iSight consistently makes the most frugal recommendations, typically resulting in the highest fees.

MultiPlan, which has been publicly traded since 2020, did not respond to detailed questions about Data iSight. A statement issued by an outside public relations firm said MultiPlan’s payment recommendations were fair and “widely accepted.” It said the company was “committed to lowering out-of-network costs,” including by using “data-driven tools to determine fair reimbursements.”

 

In recent years, concern over private equity’s investments in medical practices has grown, as studies have documented rising bills. Insurers and MultiPlan say that Data iSight is a necessary counterweight.

Caught between these moneyed interests are patients, who are mostly in the dark. If they encounter Data iSight’s name, it is typically in the fine print of dense paperwork. Those who have complained said they got little more than assurances that the calculations were rigorous and fair.

For Mary Lavigne, who has chronic pain, chiropractor appointments near Irvine, Calif., almost doubled in cost. Nadia Salim’s Boston-area therapy appointments also became almost twice as expensive. And Andrew Faehnle was on the hook for more than two-thirds of an ambulance bill after his 14-year-old was rushed to an emergency room in Anaheim, Calif. In each case, insurance statements cited Data iSight.

“I thought, ‘Who the heck are these people?’” Mr. Faehnle said. “I started Googling, ‘What’s Data iSight?’”

MultiPlan’s business model is based on simple math: Take the amount a doctor charges, subtract MultiPlan’s recommended payout, and you have what the firm identifies as a savings or discount. Usually, MultiPlan and the insurer each collect a percentage of that declared savings as a processing fee.

This arrangement helps insurers profit from the most common way Americans get health coverage: through an employer that pays medical claims with its own money, using an insurer only as an administrator. Using MultiPlan, insurers cut medical bills, then charge employers for doing so.

For decades, MultiPlan determined payments primarily through negotiations. The discounts were modest but came with an agreement not to collect more from patients.

After MultiPlan’s founder, Donald Rubin, sold it in 2006, the company’s new private equity owners began a move toward automated pricing that executives would later call “MultiPlan 2.0.”

In 2010, it bought Viant, an Illinois-based firm that used algorithms to recommend reimbursements. But for some types of care, Viant’s calculations used a database of billed amounts. So if medical providers charged more over time, the recommended payments were also likely to rise.

A small firm in Grapevine, Texas, had developed an alternative strategy. Rather than start with a bill and negotiate it down, Tom Galas, a former insurance executive, wanted to calculate the cost of care and negotiate it up.

Mr. Galas bought an analytics firm called Data Advantage in 2005 and assigned a team at his company, National Care Network, to execute his vision. The result was Data iSight.

It drew on data that medical facilities submitted to the federal government and techniques developed by Medicare to estimate treatment costs. It then threw in some extra money, meant to allow a fair profit. The goal was to save insurers and employers money without paying so little that providers would sue them or go after patients for the balance.

In 2011, Mr. Galas sold to MultiPlan.

“The industry was condensing,” he said. “The time seemed right.”

Though he considered Data iSight revolutionary, he said, even he didn’t anticipate what it would become.

Executives from the country’s major insurers gathered in Laguna Beach, Calif., in 2019 and heard from Dale White, a MultiPlan executive vice president.

He presented a slide showing the cover of a self-help book, “Life Is Magic,” that had been digitally altered to show Mr. White’s face and to read “MultiPlan Is Magic.” The slide added: “We have a few things up our sleeve, too.”

The firm’s annual revenues had reached about $1 billion, and three sets of private equity investors had cashed in. After buying MultiPlan for just over $3 billion in 2010 from the Carlyle Group, the firms BC Partners and Silver Lake sold it for a reported $4.4 billion in 2014 to Starr Investment Holdings and Partners Group, which sold it two years later to Hellman & Friedman for a reported $7.5 billion.

Hellman & Friedman, which owned the company when it went public in 2020, declined to comment.

Fueling the growth was Data iSight. The annual revenue it brought MultiPlan grew from $23 million in 2012 to more than $323 million in 2019, according to an investor presentation in 2020. The next year, the chief executive, Mark Tabak, told investors that Data iSight was MultiPlan’s top moneymaker among its biggest insurance customers.

While the company continued to offer other tools, it pitched Data iSight as an “industry-leading” and “state-of-the-art” way to “maximize savings.”

For insurers, the tool came with trade-offs: lower payments but potentially more patient complaints. They rolled it out gradually. The nation’s largest insurer by revenue, UnitedHealthcare, began using it in 2016 for certain plans and treatments, documents show.

As Data iSight spread, patients, doctors and medical facilities began receiving unwelcome surprises. Some practices that had negotiated contracts with MultiPlan found that they no longer received their agreed-upon rate, and patients were no longer protected from big bills.

Brett Lockhart had spine surgery at a facility near Cocoa, Fla., that had a negotiated rate with MultiPlan. When his insurer used Data iSight, he found himself on the hook for nearly $300,000. The bill is the subject of litigation and remains unpaid.

There was more to MultiPlan’s rising fortunes than just an increase in the number of claims. The average fee from each claim also grew, executives told investors.

In a presentation shortly before it became a publicly traded company in 2020, MultiPlan stressed that its tools were “scalable”: Reducing payments by just half a percent could yield an additional $10 million in profits, the company said.

After MultiPlan fell short of a revenue target in 2022, Mr. White, who had become chief executive, assured investors that the company had an “action plan” that included “aggressively implementing new initiatives with our customers to help them cope with accelerating health care costs.”

A change to Data iSight’s methodology, he said, should produce an additional $6 million in revenue.

MultiPlan has told investors it plans further “enhancements” to the tools, including use of artificial intelligence.

As patients and providers have demanded an explanation for declining payments, MultiPlan has fought to keep details about Data iSight confidential, contending in lawsuits that the information is proprietary.

Interviews and documents, some obtained after The Times petitioned federal courts, offer some insights.

Data iSight starts by using Medicare’s methods for setting rates. But subsequent calculations are less transparent. MultiPlan says it applies multipliers that allow for a fair profit for hospitals and something approximating a fair market rate for physicians. The documents show that MultiPlan allows insurers to cap prices and set what they consider fair profit margins for medical facilities.

MultiPlan has pitched Data iSight as an alternative to simply paying marked-up Medicare rates, an option some insurers offer. Paying around 120 percent of the government-set rate “sounds fair, maybe even generous,” one MultiPlan document said, but this is “inherently misleading” because “the average consumer does not understand just how low Medicare rates are.”

Interviews and documents, however, indicate that Data iSight’s recommended prices are sometimes about 160 to 260 percent of Medicare rates — amounts former MultiPlan employees described as “ridiculously low” and “crazy low.”

Even rates that may sound reasonable can strain medical practices. For example, UnitedHealthcare, citing Data iSight, offered Dr. Darius Kohan roughly 350 percent of the Medicare rate for a surgery to repair a patient’s eardrum. It amounted to $3,855.36.

Dr. Kohan, who has a small practice in Manhattan, said skimpy payments were forcing him to consider joining a large hospital system or private-equity-backed group.

“I am a dinosaur, but my patients like that,” he said. “I may not be able to sustain it.”

https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/07/us/health-insurance-medical-bills-private-equity.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share&referringSource=articleShare 


Markey targets private equity in health care


 by - The Washington Post - May 17, 2024
 

This year, Sen. Edward J. Markey (D-Mass.) has zeroed in on the hundreds of billions spent by private equity firms snapping up physician practices, hospitals, labs and nursing homes across the country. 

The trend has sparked criticism from federal regulators and watchdogs, who say the financiers enrich investors by monopolizing markets, raising prices and compromising patient care — allegations the industry’s main lobbying group refutes

I caught up with the chair of the Senate’s Primary Health and Retirement Security subcommittee this week to talk about private equity and more. The conversation has been edited for clarity and brevity.

The Health 202: Private equity involvement in the health-care sector has been growing for some time. What drew your attention to this issue?

Markey: It was in the wake of Steward Health Care’s bankruptcy filing. [CEO] Ralph de la Torre, Steward, Capital Management and their private equity allies will be remembered for their reckless decisions to put their profits over people’s lives and livelihoods — and that’s what drew my attention to this issue. 

Steward let their health system fall into the control of private equity firms and real estate investment trusts like Medical Properties Trust. Now the bankruptcy court will have to untangle their answers and hopefully make decisions that keep these hospitals open. 

The Health 202: What have you heard from your constituents? 

Markey: The Steward system provides health care for 200,000 patients per year in Massachusetts. I held a listening session with health stakeholders and I also received outreach from constituents all over the state. The feeling was unanimous: We’ve got to do something to protect patients and providers from corporate greed. 

It is absolutely imperative that no one loses their health-care access because of this private equity-driven crisis. 

The Health 202: You released a discussion draft of legislation on the issue last month. What would it do?

Markey: The goal of my Health Over Wealth Act is to protect patients and providers by mandating the private equity company set aside funding to protect access to care, removing tax breaks that incentivize companies to strip hospital assets, and giving a bigger voice to workers and patients to review and block seats that would impact patient care, access or safety. 

The Health 202: Have you spoken to Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), chair of the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, about his position on the bill?

Markey: Yes I have, and he is very interested. 

The Health 202: Is this an area you see as ripe for bipartisan action?

Markey: I actually think it is. We’re still at the early stages of this process, but other efforts to take on private equity in health care are also beginning to surface. The reality is that the Steward system itself has 31 hospitals across the country, and many of them are in red states. As a result, I think we really have a chance to make this legislation bipartisan. 

The Health 202: Are there other health-care priorities you’ll be pushing to take over the finish line this year? 

Markey: I’m working with Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine) to reauthorize a law we authored to dramatically increase the funding for Alzheimer’s research. That law said the National Institutes of Health each year has to tell the appropriators in Congress how much money it needs to find a cure by 2025. 

Sen. Collins and I intend on extending that out to 2035, and now we’re up to around $4 billion a year. By 2035, it could amount to upward of $75 billion. That’s our goal, and I'm very hopeful we can get that passed this year.

  https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2024/05/17/targeting-private-equity-health-care/

 

Bernie Sanders speaks at UNE graduation, says U.S. health care system is broken

by Rachel Ohm - Portland Press Herald - May18, 2024

The U.S. health care system is broken, costs more than in other countries, and has resulted in underserved and unhealthy citizens, Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., told a crowd at the University of New England’s commencement Saturday.

More than 1,500 undergraduate and graduate students graduated Saturday from the university, which is Maine’s top provider of health care professionals and home to the state’s only medical and dental colleges.

“I wish I could tell you that the system you are entering is a system designed to allow you to do the important work you are trained to do,” Sanders said to graduates, their friends and families gathered at the Cross Insurance Arena. “I wish I could tell you that, out there, you are going to be able to move aggressively to take care of the people of our region and country in the best way possible – but if I told you that, I would be lying to you.”

Sanders, who ran for president in 2016 and 2020, delivered a commencement speech in which he spoke about the need to reform the U.S. health care system and called for change.

The 20-minute speech largely focused on the problems facing the system, though he also highlighted the graduates’ future work as an important bright spot.

“Your job – and we desperately need you – is to go out into the world and provide the best quality care you can,” Sanders said. “That’s your job, your mission, and I know you can do it.”

Sanders came as the keynote speaker after he invited the university’s president, James Herbert, to testify before a Senate subcommittee last year about the health care labor shortage.

The senator lamented on Saturday the high cost of health care in the U.S. – which he said costs almost twice as much per capita as in other countries – while noting that, at the same time, millions of Americans have no insurance or are underinsured and thus cannot access care.

As a result, the U.S. has a lower life expectancy than in other countries and a larger gap in life expectancy between the rich and poor, Sanders said. And millions of people go bankrupt because of medical debt. Others may have good insurance but are shut out from care because they live in rural and underserved parts of the country amid a shortage of doctors and other providers.

Yet despite the workforce problems, students often must take on hundreds of thousands of dollars in debt to get trained in their professions. “Between you and me, that is insane,” Sanders said to a round of applause.

Another problem Sanders sees is the employer-based insurance system, which forces people to stay at jobs they might not otherwise and which favors people who work for wealthy corporations over those in the service industry and lower-paying jobs.

“Is the worker at McDonald’s or Walmart less in need of health insurance than someone who works at a large company?” Sanders asked. “The answer is: of course not.”

Sanders, who is known for his advocacy of a national health-insurance-for-all plan, said there are some solutions to the current problems. First, he said there need to be more investments in primary and preventive care.

He also said the Medicare program can serve as a foundation for expanded insurance coverage for all Americans and all kinds of health care services, including dental and mental health care.

“We can create a system in which people can go to any doctor they want, any hospital they want, and not have to take out their wallets,” Sanders said. “That, in fact, exists in many countries around the world.”

Along with Sanders, local developer, entrepreneur and philanthropist Arthur P. Girard was recognized with an honorary degree. Girard and his family have made significant contributions to the university, including the gift of Ram Island in Saco Bay in 2014, which is used for field research by the university’s marine sciences programs.

Herbert, the university’s president, called on graduates to be innovators and find creative solutions to problems.

“Each of you has made your own special mark on our campuses and programs, and they won’t be quite the same without you,” he said. “But we know you’re ready to head into the world and apply your knowledge and skills to important endeavors.”

https://www.pressherald.com/2024/05/18/bernie-sanders-says-healthcare-system-is-broken-at-une-graduation/ 

 

 

 

 

 

Saturday, May 4, 2024

Health Care Reform Articles - MAY 4, 2024

Philip R. Lee’s 1986 Call for National Health Insurance


Summary: A UCSF and US titan of health policy, Philip R. Lee, nearly 40 years ago described our health insurance options, and wisely preferred national health insurance. Our country chose differently, relying heavily on private insurers and incremental fixes that missed the opportunity for efficiency and heath justice. We must fight for Dr. Lee’s choice.

This Date in UCSF History: National Health Insurance Ahead?
UCSF Student Voices
Synapse
April 23, 2024

 
(Originally authored by Dr. Philip R. Lee — a UCSF professor of social medicine and director of the Institute for Health Policy Studies — and published in Synapse on April 24, 1986.)
 
Twenty years ago, states throughout the country began to implement federal legislation (Title XIX, Social Security Act) establishing a national program for medical care for the poor (Medicaid). In the same year, 1966, the federal Medicare program began providing hospital and medical insurance for the elderly.
 
With these two public programs, the public sector began to fill the major gap in private health insurance.
 
Private health insurance was largely provided on a group basis, through employment, with employers paying the bulk of premiums.
 
In the 1960s and early 1970s the idea that access to health care was a merit good or a right of citizenship was widespread.
 
It seemed only a matter of time before the remaining gaps would be filled by universal health insurance, albeit with a mixture of public and private payment mechanisms.
 
In the 1970s and early 1980s, as costs of health care rose rapidly and as efforts to contain costs seemed ineffective, the idea took hold that national health insurance was impossible and that health care was not a merit good.
 
Instead, many advocated that health care should be treated like other goods and services, and that price competition and the marketplace should be the primary approach to resolving the problems of cost, access and quality.
 
Policies established by Congress and the Reagan administration have strongly supported this approach.
 
Many states, including California, have adopted pro-competitive policies. The results of the recent policy changes have been mixed.
 
The rate of increase in health care costs has slowed, hospital admissions have declined, length of hospital stay has been shortened and hospital occupancy has been reduced. All this seems to be for the better, but patients have found themselves discharged from hospitals “sicker and quicker.”
 
Posthospital services, described as a “no-care zone” by UCSF Professor Carroll Estes, have been unable to cope adequately with the changes.
 
The number of people who are uninsured or underinsured has risen rapidly and local governments, such as San Francisco County, have found themselves obliged to care for increasing numbers of sick, disabled and poor.
 
Three future scenarios seem possible given the current environment:

     > Continued reliance on price competition and the marketplace with the evolution of a “three-tiered” system of care consisting of fee for service, HMOs and public sector.
     > A variety of incremental strategies to fill the gaps in coverage at the state level through mandated private insurance coverage, state funds to cover the uninsured and an expansion of Medicaid.
    > Publicly funded national health insurance, along the lines of the Canadian model.

 

Although the odds are against national health insurance, this proposal would provide the most equitable solution to health care access with effective means to control costs while assuring freedom of choice for consumers and providers.
 
Personally, I believe it is the preferred solution.

Editor's Note -

To listen to the interview of Peter Shapiro,  posted below, search for "Code Wack" in your Podcast App.

 -SPC

'Absolutely ruthless':
The brutal privatization of U.S. health care

by Peter Shapiro
 

Private equity firms are moving in a big, big way into the healthcare field, just like
they're doing in real estate, because it's a great place where you can move in there,
buy up a troubled asset, downsize it, increase its value, and sell it at a huge profit.” -
Peter Shapiro
911. What's your emergency?
America's healthcare system is broken and people are dying.
Welcome to Code WACK!, where we shine a light on America's callous healthcare
system, how it hurts us and what we can do about it. I'm your host, Brenda Gazzar.
(music)
This time on Code WACK! What damage is private equity doing to our healthcare
system and what’s being done to curb it? And what cues can California single-payer
activists take from the state’s active immigrant community? To find out, we spoke to
Peter Shapiro, a retired letter carrier and author of Song of the Stubborn One
Thousand: the Watsonville Canning Strike (Haymarket Books 2016). He
represented his union at the founding conference of the Labor Campaign for Single
Payer in 2009 and has been involved with the issue ever since. He currently
represents the Alameda Labor Council on the board of Healthy California Now, a
single-payer advocacy coalition. This is the first episode in a two-part series with
Peter Shapiro.
Welcome to Code WACK! Peter!
Shapiro: Thank you. Glad to be here.
Q: Glad to have you! First tell us a little bit about yourself and your work in the
single-payer movement in California.
Shapiro: My work in the single-payer movement started when we were living up in
Oregon. It was right around the time the Affordable Care Act passed. I was an active
working letter carrier at the time, and my union sent me back to the founding
conference of the Labor Campaign for Single Payer. I was supposed to write a
report and send it to the national office, which I did, but I also just became a
convert on the spot. I mean, I felt strongly for a long time, you know, this is
something that we needed.
I mean, my wife back in the ‘80s was in billing, medical billing for a medical oncology
clinic in Berkeley. And, you know, she would come home with horror stories every
night. I'd listen to her talking over the dinner table and I would just get, the blood
would drain from my face. I would be so angry about people who were fighting for
their lives and having to hassle with their insurance companies at the same time.
‘Do you really need that fourth round of chemo? I mean, the first three rounds
didn't do any good.’
I mean, how do you stomach something like that? But I came away from the
founding conference of the Labor Campaign, and by the way, I really recommend
that people look it up, Labor Campaign for Single-Payer Healthcare, I came away
from there convinced of two things. One is that unions have a huge interest in
relieving themselves of this burden of having to negotiate health benefits for their
members at the time when the cost of health care is going through the roof. And
the second thing is that given what we're up against in trying to win single-payer,
we're up against a very, very well-heeled industry with a huge lobbying apparatus
and in a lot of ways, it's a fairly technical issue. And when you get into the weeds,
people can get very easily confused if we don't do a good job of educating them
beforehand. So you really need organized labor behind this because they have the
resources, they have the clout, they have the organization, and theoretically at least
they have the interest of all working people at heart. So they've got that motivation
too. You know, everybody in nobody out. Solidarity that's what's supposed to be
what it's about. So that was how I got involved.
I got down to California and Pilar Schiavo, who was working for the Nurses Union at
the time, is now our state assembly person from Southern California, she pretty
much recruited me into the coalition then – it eventually became Healthy California
Now and I represent the Alameda Labor Council right now on their board.
Q: So let's start with a brief review of what's wrong with the U.S. healthcare
system. For one thing, it's a market driven system that consumes about 18% of
our Gross Domestic Product. Briefly, what is its financial impact on patients,
families, business, and government?
Shapiro: Well, God, where to begin? I mean, first of all, we spend $4.5 trillion dollars
a year on health care in this country. That's about twice as much as the rest of the
world and yet our outcomes stink. We have lower life expectancy, higher infant
mortality, higher maternal mortality, more people dying of diabetes who could be
saved if they had proper and timely care, on and on. I mean, by most markers, we
lag way behind most of the developed world and even some underdeveloped
countries. I mean, Cuba actually has, I think, a better healthcare system than we do.
It's certainly more accessible. They help a lot more trained doctors there, so much
so that they send them out to other countries who need help. But in terms of
personal stuff, I think there are a hundred million people in this country carrying
some kind of medical debt.
And those are not just poor people. These are people, a lot of 'em are people who
make over $90,000 a year. Medical bills are still the leading cause of personal
bankruptcy. It's been that way for a long time. It shows no signs of letting up. You
have a whole industry that's grown up around basically helping people finance their
medical debt. You know, hospitals can't collect on their bills, so they bring collection
agencies into it, and it's become a really big business. And of course, it just, you
know, because of interest payment and stuff, it raises the cost. Frankly, I think most
of us are probably one medical emergency away from being in that kind of a
situation. And I think it probably contributes a lot to the homeless crisis, you know,
in a lot of our cities. I mean, I can cite a bunch of personal examples.
You know, I have a close friend who's battling Parkinson's, and she makes a little
too much money to qualify for Medi-Cal, but not enough to pay for the care that
she needs. And we've been struggling for weeks to try to figure out how to help her
out. And it's just like walking through a labyrinth to see what's available, what's not
available, and so on. And some of the long-term board and care facilities that she's
been recommended to or steered to are just, they're clip joints, you know, they're,
they're not properly run. They're not safe. They're not clean. They just can't wait to
get their hands on that, you know, on those Medicare and Medi-Cal dollars. And as
soon as they're not available anymore out the door you go. The state of nursing
homes is really disgraceful in this country and you've got some of the lowest paid
workers there as well and they're understaffed.
Q: And what about private equity?
Shapiro: Private equity firms are moving in a big, big way into the healthcare field,
just like they're doing in real estate, because it's a great place where you can move
in there, buy up a troubled asset, downsize it, increase its value, and sell it at a huge
profit. And I think the nursing homes industry was one of the first places they went.
Now they're getting to a lot of other areas too, like primary care and dentistry,
hospitals in underserved areas. They buy them up and they shut down the
maternity wards and the OB/GYN wards and whatever, just because it's (an) undue
expense. And as a result, you've got healthcare deserts that are just proliferating all
over the country.
Q: Yeah, that was exactly my next question about the concern of the role of
private equity that it plays. As we're saying, it's an increasingly dominant role in
our healthcare system. How else do you think it's affecting the experience of
getting health care in the U.S.?
Shapiro: Well, what it really boils down to, I mean, the problem with private
insurance has always been that you've got people making decisions about care who
know nothing about medicine, and doctors have to expend a huge amount of time
and energy and expense just haggling with claims adjusters. Well, you bring private
equity into it, they're not even in the health insurance business, they're just there to
sort of buy up an asset and flip it, you know, and sell it to somebody else at a profit.
And they've been absolutely ruthless in the way they've done this. And, you know, I
think it's extremely damaging, and especially because the whole trend in terms of
health policy makers and government has been to take viable public programs like
Medicare and privatize them and the Veterans Health Administration just to sort of
relieve some of the expense on the federal budget.
And I think half the people on Medicare now are in private plans, which restrict who
they can see. You know, if you go out of network, you get stuck with a huge bill. This
is why so many people go broke, you know, over their medical bills and private
equity, it’s simply ramping up that whole process because they are moving into the
field, they're making their investments. And I think the more private capital drives
our healthcare system, the worse conditions are gonna get and the more people
are gonna suffer. And that's what we have to reverse.
Q: Right. And aren't we also being forced to pay more because of this role that
private equity is playing in our healthcare system?
Shapiro: Well, you know, here's just one statistic I ran across. Medicare Advantage,
which is sort of the privatized version of Medicare, I mean I got sucked into it rather
against my will. I've always had Kaiser, you know, as my health insurer and once
you hit 65, if you want to stay in the Kaiser system, you have to be in their Medicare
Advantage plan, which wipes out one of the big advantages of Medicare, which is
that you can see whatever doctor you want. You don't need to be preauthorized or
anything like that. You don't get stuck with an out-of-network fee, which can run
into the thousands and thousands of dollars. Well Medicare Advantage is supposed
to save the government money, but actually is overpaid by $140 billion the last time
statistics were taken. That's the sum total of all of the payments that people make
for their (Medicare) Part B premiums.
It's enough to cover hearing and dental and vision, all the stuff that Medicare
doesn't cover. Most people enroll in Medicare Advantage plans because they need
those things. I do. I wear hearing aids and they're not cheap. If traditional Medicare
covered those things, there would be no need for Medicare Advantage from, you
know, from my point of view. And there was an effort, you know, I think, what was it
the IRA – Biden’s signature Economic plan came in early in his administration. There
was an effort made by Bernie Sanders to try to get Medicare, expand traditional
Medicare coverage expanded to include those things. It didn't take, but if it had,
nobody would be on Medicare Advantage now.
Q: That's so unfortunate 'cause I know Medicare Advantage lures a lot of people in
with these inexpensive plans, gym membership, dental, I think and vision but then
when people get sick, they realize that they can't get the care that they need,
They can't go to the doctor that they want. They’re really kind of trapped.
Shapiro: Yeah, you are, and actually I should mention that there is a bill before the
(California) legislature that would allow people who have been enrolled in Medicare
Advantage plans to shift back onto traditional Medicare once a year. You cannot do
that now.
That’s California Senate Bill 1236 that was introduced by Senator Blakespear, and
it just passed the Senate Health Committee on April 24.
Shapiro: One of the leading sponsors of that bill is the organization that advocates
for people with lymphoma and, you know, leukemia, which are really highly
specialized treatment that involves really highly specialized care that's not always
available in your in-network plan and you're likely to have to go out of network to
get that stuff treated. But if you're stuck in a Medicare Advantage plan, you got to
pay for that out of pocket. Most seniors are living on fixed incomes. You know, what
are you supposed to do?
Q: So even though the problem is national, many people think we can't win a
national solution. Instead they say, we should try to win single payer in individual
states like what California's trying to do. Why is that?
Shapiro: Well, I mean, ideally we should have national legislation. Unfortunately,
Congress is a mess. It's gridlocked. The Republican party has taken to nominating
people for Congress who have no interest in governing. To them, it’s just a kind of
performance art. They act like they're on Fox News 24 hours a day, you know,
preening and strutting around and trying to impeach this or that person. So, you
know, it's very difficult to get anything done at the national level. And it's always
been difficult because, you know, I think it's a lot more difficult to mount a national
campaign for something than to do it at a local level where conditions might be
more favorable. And that's always been the big argument for state legislation.
On the other hand, the healthcare system is a national system, and a lot of it
depends on getting… a state needs to get a lot of those federal dollars that go into
health care incorporated into its own healthcare system to make it work. And that
involves, you know, dealing with the federal bureaucrats who control the purse
strings. It involves getting certain policies waived and stuff like that.
So, you know, the state strategy is in a lot of ways it's a lot more viable in a lot of
ways. It's, you're never gonna be able to get the level of reform that you need at the
national level. It does involve some compromises, and it also means that states that
don't have the favorable political conditions are gonna continue to suffer. But I
think federal legislation is what we really need. It's much more difficult to get. State
legislation is never really going to be able to solve all the problems because there
are just too many strings attached in terms of federal programs, federal funds
coming into the state of California.
You know, I mean, it's interesting. We have a privately run system and yet 70% of
the money that funds it in California comes from our tax dollars, mainly from, you
know, Medicare and Medicaid and other federal programs and we have to figure
out a way to persuade the feds to let us have access to that money so we can fund
our system. You know, and that's a struggle in itself. Question of how to do it. You
know, so much of this is like playing chess and trying to figure out where to put
your rook or … when to castle your king or that kind of thing. I don't think there are
any hard and fast answers to it. I'm willing to try anything. And I think most people
involved in the single payer movement, if there's an opportunity at the federal level,
we're gonna go for it. If we can make some headway at the state level, we'll go for
that. You know, strategy is not something you raise to the level of principle. You just
do whatever works.
Right. Yeah, good point. And sometimes it takes a lot of experimentation to know
what could work.
Shapiro: Yeah, yeah. One thing to bear in mind is that when you're going for state
legislation, nothing's perfect. I mean, no matter what we do, they’re are going to be
shortcomings. And frankly, if I had my druthers, we wouldn't even be talking about
simply how we finance health care. We'd be talking about making delivery of
healthcare a public responsibility as well, and making sure that it got adequate
funding. Because they had a great system over in England for quite a while, and
then the Tories came in and the Neoliberals came in and they defunded it, and it's a
train wreck now. But the point is, when it was working, it worked beautifully. And
they didn't just, you know, they didn't just finance it with public funds. Doctors
actually worked for the state, you know, and they worked where they were needed
and, you know, care was much better distributed, you know, now there's like, from
what I understand, they're like rampant inequalities, you know, over there in who
gets access to care and what kind of care they get. And it all started with Maggie
Thatcher, but that's another story.
Q: Right. Interesting. It would seem that when it comes to winning single payer,
California has a lot of advantages over other states. Do you agree?
Shapiro: It does, and for a couple of reasons. One is that we're the fifth largest
economy in the world. We're slipping a little bit, I'm told, these days after Covid, you
know, and because the tech industry is sort of having a rolling readjustment, but
there's a tremendous amount of money in the state, and a lot of it is related to high
tech. Also, in terms of population, you know, we're the largest and that matters
because the whole question of how you finance, health insurance is all about
pooling the risks. The more people you have in the risk pool, the cheaper it is to
ensure everybody. And one of the problems that we have, one of the reasons our
healthcare system is so irrational, is because you have 57 different varieties of ways
of accessing health care in this country. You know, maybe half of them are different
government programs, each of which caters to a different demographic, or then
people go to private insurers and they're competing with each other, even they
compete against themselves.
I mean Kaiser (Permanente) has 24 different health plans available offered on the
Covered California Insurance Exchange. I mean, it's insane. Not only because it
raises the administrative costs, and not only because it just makes the system a
nightmare to navigate for just ordinary folks who are just trying to get coverage, but
also because you're breaking the risk pool up into these teeny little pieces. And the
whole advantage of sharing the risks is lost. Now, California has potentially a huge
risk pool, and that would make it much easier to make it pay. When I was in
Oregon, you know, we were trying to do this, one of the arguments I heard is, well,
we don't have enough people up here to make a risk pool. It's gonna be, ‘oh, it's
gonna be too costly and it's not gonna work.’ I'm not sure that's true, but it's
certainly a consideration. That was an issue in Vermont too, where they actually did
pass a single-payer bill and then they abandoned it because they didn't think they
could pay for it. But California doesn't have to worry about that, you know? So
that's one reason it's favorable here.
The other reason politically, I think, you know, we're a blue state, you know, we've
got a governor who got elected as a single payer….He made single payer (health
care) the centerpiece of his campaign when he was first elected in 2018. Of course,
in my opinion, the guy's a total flake and you can't count on him for anything, but at
least if you lean on him hard enough and say, ‘Hey Jack, we put you in office to get
single payer, where are you these days?’ How's the constituency that he has to
respond to?
We've also got a very strong, very powerful immigrant rights movement in this
state. And that's important. They were able to do something nobody else has been
able to do, which is get Medi-Cal benefits extended to all people, all residents,
whether they're documented or not. I don't think any other state in the country's
been able to accomplish that and that's because people organized for it. And
because the immigrant population of California is enormous, it's a huge portion of
the population and they know what it means to struggle, not just personally, but in
the political arena and they've had a lot to overcome and they've done it. This is
why I think the single-payer movement needs to learn from them. You know,
<laugh>. They're giving us a lot of positive examples to work from because if they
can do what they did, we should be able to get single payer through in this state,
too.
Thank you, Peter Shapiro. Stay tuned for next week’s episode when we dive into
the various strategies California single-payer activists are employing to
revolutionize health care in the state.
Do you have a personal story you'd like to share about our ‘wack’ healthcare
system? Contact us through our website at www.heal-ca.org.
And don't forget to subscribe to Code WACK! wherever you find your podcasts. You
can also find us on ProgressiveVoices.com and on Nurse Talk Media.
Code WACK!’s powered by HEAL California, uplifting the voices of those fighting for
healthcare reform around the country. I’m Brenda Gazzar.

Skepticism Is Healthy, but in Medicine, It Can Be Dangerous

I arrived at the hospital one recent morning to find a team of doctors gathered just outside a patient room. The patient was struggling — his breaths too fast and too shallow. For days we had been trying to walk the line between treating the pain caused by his rapidly growing cancer and prolonging his life.

Overnight he had worsened. His family, wrestling with the inevitability of his death, had come to a tentative plan, and I needed to make sure that his wife understood what was ahead. I explained that if we inserted a breathing tube, as she had decided overnight, her husband would be sedated. When the rest of their family arrived in Boston, we would take out the tube and he would die. We would not be able to wake him up — to do so would only cause him to suffer.

At this, his wife stiffened. Why wouldn’t he be able to wake up? I explained that his cancer was so advanced that to wake him would be to give him the conscious awareness of drowning. I watched as she took me in, this doctor she had never met before, telling her something she did not want to hear. Her expression shifted. “Why should I believe you?” she asked me. And then, her voice toughening: “I don’t think that I do.”

The room was silent. My patient’s wife looked into her bag, rooting around for a tissue. I glanced down at my feet. Why should she believe me? I was wearing sneakers with my scrub pants, and I found myself wondering whether she would have trusted me without question if I appeared more professional, or if I were older or male. Perhaps, but there was so much more at play in that moment. This was not just about one doctor and one family member, but instead, about a public for whom the medical system is no longer an institution to be trusted.

We are at a crossroads in medicine when it comes to public trust. After a pandemic that twisted science for political gain, it is not surprising that confidence in medicine is eroding. In fact, trust in medical scientists has fallen to its lowest levels since January 2019. As a result, more people are seeking out less conventional voices of “authority” that hew closer to their beliefs. Robert F. Kennedy Jr., a longtime vaccine skeptic campaigning for the presidency, is finding double-digit support in some polls and has made medical freedom a recurring theme of his candidacy.

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But our medical system relies on trust — in face-to-face meetings as well as public health bulletins. Distrust can lead doctors to burnout and can encourage avoidable negative outcomes for our patients. This is partly what is driving increasing rates of measles among unvaccinated children, failure to follow recommended cancer screening and refusal to take lifesaving preventive medications. There are no easy solutions here. But if we do not find ways to restore and strengthen trust with our patients, more lives will be lost.

This is relatively new terrain for American physicians. When I was in medical training, we did not talk much about trust. During my early years as a doctor, I barely trusted myself and in fact felt uncomfortable with the responsibility I had to keep my patients alive. Only recently have I found myself thinking about what happens when this ephemeral ingredient in the doctor-patient relationship is lost.

Medical skepticism is not the same as medical nihilism. The data behind the drugs doctors prescribe and the decisions we make need not be the purview of us alone; the public has the right to review the numbers and to make their own decisions about risk and benefit. But when that skepticism shifts into abject and irreparable disbelief, we see some patients make dangerous decisions. And when doctors respond with frustration, that only further separates us from those patients.

Trust can sometimes be repaired by clearly presenting facts and figures, but it is about more than explaining numbers. We tell patients things about the body that are unseen. We recommend lifestyle changes and medication to treat or to prevent problems that may not be felt. Surgeons refer to a profound version of trust called the surgical contract: the idea that when people go under the knife, they are allowing their surgeon to make them sicker — to cut them open — in order to make them better. That trust must be earned.

In emergencies, patients don’t have the luxury to choose whom to trust, and medical decisions must happen hastily, in minutes even. So part of our job is to build rapport quickly. That becomes harder, impossible even, when we enter into the climax of a medical crisis to find that whatever trust our patient may have once had long ago has been eroded. Many of our patients started their medical journeys wanting to believe in their doctors. But then the medical system that they wanted to trust failed them, in small ways and large, from haphazardly rescheduled appointments to real medical error. How do we begin the process of repair, both as a profession and as individuals, when time is short?

In medicine, we talk about the idea of shared decision-making, in which medical decisions are arrived at jointly by doctor and patient, in contrast to the paternalistic tone of years gone by. As doctors, we do not tell our patients what to do — instead we offer them the information necessary for them to choose the path that is right for them.

For all our training, our medical knowledge is useless if our patients are unwilling or unable to believe what we have to offer. And that isn’t a fault of our patients, no matter how bothered we might become. This is a fault of a system that does not deserve our patients’ blind faith, of a surrounding political milieu that has turned scientific fact into fiction in many people’s minds.

That is how I found myself in that room, early that one morning, with my patient’s wife, her disbelief and the weight of the decision hanging between us. I knew so little about her. I did not know her history or her interactions with the medical system. I did not know the story of her husband’s diagnosis and treatment, or whether he had struggled to find care for his cancer. In our fractured system, I was just meeting her that day. I had no way to make her trust me, except to sit with her, to give her what little time with her husband we could. And to hope that regardless of what came before, she would choose to believe what I was telling her.

I am not certain what she believed, but she chose against intubation. Her husband lived until the rest of his family came anyway. And when he died, they left without a word, carrying with them his bags of belongings and — I can only hope — faith that we had done the best we could.

Daniela Lamas is a contributing Opinion writer and a pulmonary and critical-care physician at Brigham and Women’s Hospital in Boston.

https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/24/opinion/medical-skepticism-doctors-trust.html 

UnitedHealth care delays, denies and grows ever bigger

April 30, 2024 - by Diane Archer - Jus+ Care - April 30, 2024
 

At the same time that UnitedHealth is growing its Medicare Advantage business, it is growing many of its other businesses and controlling a sizeable portion of the health care sector, often to the detriment of patients and providers. Dan Diamond, Christopher Rowland and Daniel Gilbert report for the Washington Post on the attention Congress is now giving to UnitedHealth. Will Congress rein in UnitedHealth and hold it accountable for its bad acts. Can the federal government break up UnitedHealth at this point, or is it too big to fail?

Chairman Ron Wyden, who heads the Senate Finance Committee, is holding a hearing with Sir Andrew Witty, UnitedHealth’s CEO. United is now a $400 billion company, with $22 billion in profits in 2023, and the biggest health insurer, as well as the biggest employer of physicians in the US; it employs about 10 percent of providers. It also processes about a third of provider claims for reimbursement through its Change Healthcare subsidiary. Recently, its cybersecurity system was hacked, and UnitedHealth forced tens of thousands of physicians and hospitals to go without pay; some providers were forced to take out loans and some patients had to pay out of pocket for care.

It is not at all clear why UnitedHealth did not address grave gaps in Change Healthcare’s security when it acquired the company a few years ago. Nor is it clear that UnitedHealth is holding anyone at the corporation accountable for this failure.

How can Congress help ensure UnitedHealth appropriately covers care and coverage and hold the corporation account when it fails to do so? In the words of Don Berwick, former head of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, “They’ve grown too big for this country’s good, and for their own good.” “They became the best at playing the game of charging the federal government more and using that wealth to gain political power, advertising power, some changes in benefits.” Some say UnitedHealth presents an economic and national security risk.

Republicans and Democrats agree that the size and power of UnitedHealth raises serious concerns. Senator Wyden, a Democrat, wants Witty to explain his company’s use of prior authorization, which too often keeps people from getting needed care. He is concerned with the ways UnitedHealth increases health care costs. Congressman Buddy Carter, a Republican, says “It needs to be busted up.” Here, here!

The Justice Department has tried to prevent some of UnitedHealth’s mergers and acquisitions, but UnitedHealth has put up legal challenges and tends to prevail. Hayden Rooke-Ley, a senior fellow at the American Economic Liberties Project, an antitrust-focused nonprofit, explains the consequences: “What we are seeing now is there are really significant risks of letting a company like United own a physician group, ambulatory surgical centers, a mail order pharmacy, home health providers … and claims processing and revenue cycle management.”

The fact remains that a number of Democrats and Republicans receive significant campaign contributions from UnitedHealth, which they depend upon. Moreover, many policymakers receive veiled threats from UnitedHealth if they don’t support the corporation. For now, you can expect UnitedHealth to grow and our healthcare system to remain at serious risk of higher costs and inappropriate denials of care as a result.

https://justcareusa.org/unitedhealth-care-delays-denies-and-grows-ever-bigger/?link_id=3&can_id=044f92a3c83fd93141b3d1d7e582acde&source=email-see-a-female-doctor-live-longer&email_referrer=email_2303628&email_subject=when-and-how-to-brush-your-teeth