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Tuesday, April 14, 2020

Health Care Reform Articles - April 14, 2020

American Health Care Is an Engine of Inequality

It takes from the poor and working class to generate wealth for the already wealthy.
by Angus Deaton and Anne Case - NYT - April 14, 2020

In March, Congress passed a coronavirus bill including $3.1 billion to develop and produce drugs and vaccines. The bipartisan consensus was unusual. Less unusual was the successful lobbying by pharmaceutical companies to weaken or kill provisions that addressed affordability — measures that could be used to control prices or invalidate patents for any new drugs.
The notion of price control is anathema to health care companies. It threatens their basic business model, in which the government grants them approvals and patents, pays whatever they ask, and works hand in hand with them as they deliver the worst health outcomes at the highest costs in the rich world.
The American health care industry is not good at promoting health, but it excels at taking money from all of us for its benefit. It is an engine of inequality.
Now is a difficult time to talk about the costs of health care. Doctors and nurses are risking their lives to fight the virus. We need more doctors and nurses. We need more beds, more ventilators and more protective equipment, and we need vaccines and drugs. High prices are not the best nor the only way to get drugs or vaccines that will win the war against the virus, but they can help.
Yet we cannot go on as we have been. America is a rich country that can afford a world-class health care system. We should be spending a lot of money on care and on new drugs. But we need to spend to save lives and reduce sickness, not on expensive, income-generating procedures that do little to improve health. Or worst of all, on enriching pharma companies that feed the opioid epidemic.
The crisis will, inevitably, change health care in countless ways. The industry might emerge as a superhero of the war against Covid-19, like the Royal Air Force in the Battle of Britain during World War II. If so, it might become even more untouchable than before. Or it may be seen as a financial predator that leaves many thousands with unpayable bills for coronavirus care.
But the virus also provides an opportunity for systemic change. The United States spends more than any other nation on health care, and yet we have the lowest life expectancy among rich countries. And although perhaps no system can prepare for such an event, we were no better prepared for the pandemic than countries that spend far less.
The first step to reform is to change the way we think about the health care system. Many Americans think their health insurance is a gift from their employers — a “benefit” bestowed on lucky workers by benevolent corporations. It would be more accurate to think of employer-provided health insurance as a tax.
One way or another, everyone pays for health care. It accounts for about 18 percent of G.D.P. — nearly $11,000 per person. Individuals directly pay about a quarter, the federal and state governments pay nearly half, and most of the rest is paid by employers.
In 2019, employer-based insurance plans cost an average of $21,000 for a family policy or $7,200 for a single person. This system requires companies to calculate whether a worker’s value to the company can cover both wages and benefits, a difficult test for less-skilled workers. Wages fall or employers shed or outsource these positions to companies with few benefits and fewer prospects for career advancement.
Rising health care costs account for much of the half-century decline in the earnings of men without a college degree, and contribute to the decline in the number of less-skilled jobs. Employer-based health insurance is a wrecking ball, destroying the labor market for less-educated workers and contributing to the rise in “deaths of despair.”
Rising costs are an untenable burden on our government, too. States’ payments for Medicaid have risen from 20.5 percent of their spending in 2008 to 28.9 percent in 2019. To meet those rising costs, states have cut their financing for roads, bridges and state universities. Without those crucial investments, the path to success for many Americans is cut off. We face a looming trillion-dollar federal deficit caused almost entirely by the rising costs of Medicaid and Medicare, even without the recent coronavirus relief bill.
Every year, the United States spends $1 trillion more than is needed for high quality care. Of course, that waste is also someone’s income; executives at hospitals, medical device makers and pharmaceutical companies, and some physicians, are very well paid.
American doctors control access to their profession through a system that limits medical school admissions and the entry of doctors trained abroad — an imbalance that was clear even before the pandemic. That keeps their numbers down and their salaries up. As of 2012, doctors were the largest single occupation in the top 1 percent. The business model under which most doctors practice isn’t working; without the revenue from high-paid elective care, some hospitals are now resorting to furloughs and layoffs of doctors and nurses.
Hospitals, many of them classified as nonprofits, have consolidated, with monopolies over health care in many cities, and they have used that monopoly power to raise prices. Many Americans, even those with insurance, face bills that they cannot pay, or are hit with “surprise” medical bills charged by providers working at in-network hospitals who have opted not to accept insurance. Ambulance services and emergency departments that don’t accept insurance have become favorites of private equity investors because of their high profits. Medical device manufacturers have also consolidated, in some cases using a “catch and kill” strategy to swallow up nimbler start-ups and keep the prices of their products high.
These are all strategies that lawmakers and regulators could put a stop to, if they choose.
They choose not to. And so we Americans have too few doctors, too few beds and too few ventilators — but lots of income for providers. While millions suffer, our health care system has turned into an inequality machine, taking from the poor and working class to generate wealth for the already wealthy.
The health care industry has armored itself, employing five lobbyists for each elected member of Congress. But public anger has been building — over drug prices, co-payments, surprise medical bills — and now, over the fragility of our health care system, which has been laid bare by the pandemic. This anger could breach the protective cordon in Washington.
If it does, what will we get instead?
A single-payer system is just one possibility. There are many systems in wealthy countries to choose from, with and without insurance companies, with and without government-run hospitals. But all have two key characteristics: universal coverage — ideally from birth — and cost control.
Britain, for example, has the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence, which vets drugs, devices and procedures for their benefit relative to cost. The institute can sometimes delay the availability of good treatments, but it prevents the public system from spending money on expensive therapies of questionable value. It is designed to put the interests of patients ahead of providers.
In the United States, public funding is likely to play a significant role in any treatments or vaccines that are eventually developed for Covid-19. Americans should demand that they be available at a reasonable price to everyone — not in the sole interest of drug companies.
At the very least, America must stop financing health care through employer-based insurance, which encourages some people to work but it eliminates jobs for less-skilled workers. Employer-based health care is a particular nightmare in this pandemic. In recent weeks, millions have lost their paychecks and their insurance, and will have to face the virus without either.
We are believers in free-market capitalism, but health care is not something it can deliver in a socially tolerable way.
Anne Case and Angus Deaton, the 2015 Nobel laureate in economics, are professors at Princeton and the University of Southern California and the authors of “Deaths of Despair and the Future of Capitalism.”
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/04/14/opinion/covid-inequality-health-care.html?action=click&module=Opinion&pgtype=Homepage

US for-profit healthcare sector cuts thousands of jobs as pandemic rages

by Michael Sainato - The Guardian - April 14, 2020 

Maureen Zeman was a registered nurse for 29 years at a hospital in San Jose, California, before she was laid off with dozens of other nurses despite the coronavirus pandemic.
Dozens of states across the US have issued orders to halt elective medical procedures as part of emergency shutdowns to curb the spread of Covid-19. As a result, hospitals and medical treatment clinics across the US are implementing layoffs, furloughs, and cuts to salaries and work schedules in response to declines in revenue.
The for-profit company which owns the hospital where Zeman worked decided to shut down the maternal delivery department at the end of March, putting her and many others out of a job, and leaving patients with far fewer options.
“They say it’s not related to Covid-19, but it’s a huge disservice to the women of the east side of San Jose. Doing this during a pandemic is terrible,” said Zeman. “They said it wasn’t financially stable to keep the unit open and so they’re closing. Our big concern is we’re a trauma center and there are no hospitals in this area that can take care of women and children’s services.”
Healthcare is a trillion-dollar industry in the US, where hospitals and clinics are overwhelmingly run as businesses and patients are the core of their revenue cycle. Americans are expected to have means to pay for their treatment, usually through expensive insurance linked to their jobs, though about 28 million people were uninsured in 2018, according to Kaiser Family Foundation.
“If you run healthcare as a business, if someone isn’t profitable for you, you lay [people] off, and that’s what we’re seeing,” said Dr David Himmelstein, distinguished professor of public health at City University of New York’s Hunter College and a lecturer in medicine at Harvard medical school. “The hospitals – exactly during a time of greatest need – are saying they don’t need these people.
“We have a healthcare system where you excel in normal times by stressing what’s needed the least, and then when we have an emergency and the need is greatest, you’re in financial trouble because you’re geared to do what’s profitable.”
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, 43,000 healthcare jobs were lost in March 2020 across the US, and the job losses in healthcare have increased as shutdowns persist through the pandemic. The HealthLandscape and American Academy of Family Physicians issued a report estimating by June 2020, 60,000 family medical practices will close or scale back, affecting 800,000 workers.
Corey Mertz, a registered nurse for nearly 21 years at a for-profit hospital in McMinnville, Oregon, saw his work schedule go from full-time, 32 to 40 hours a week, to less than 12 hours a week.
“For the last two to three weeks, we’ve cancelled all of our elective surgeries, most of our outpatient processes, and this has had a gigantic impact on our hospital,” said Mertz.
He filed for unemployment benefits last week, but had not received benefits or been able to get in contact with the state unemployment agency. Mertz’s hospital initially started training nurses to help departments with anticipated surges in coronavirus patients, but the training was stopped because the hospital hadn’t seen a significant influx of cases severe enough to be admitted.
“We all have a lot of uncertainty and angst about how long this will go on,” Mertz added.
The cuts and layoffs facing healthcare workers began as many areas of the US experienced surges in coronavirus patients, while hospitals struggle with shortages in supplies and protective equipment for workers.
Elizabeth, a medical assistant at a hospital in Fall River, Massachusetts, who asked not to use her last name for fear of losing her job, was furloughed in late March 2020, but was still waiting to receive information from her human resources department last week on how to maintain benefits and what to expect through the furlough process.
“We have no clue the headaches we’re getting into. This has never happened. I’ve been in the medical field for 21 years,” she said. “They want us to use our paid time off to cover our health insurance benefits, but if you’re collecting unemployment they’ll think you’re taking a paycheck, so that is going to interfere with unemployment and the unemployment benefits are already minimal. It’s not even half of our check.”
Fairmont regional medical center, the only hospital in Marion county, West Virginia, closed down at the end of March. A few days after the closure, West Virginia’s first coronavirus-related death occurred in the county.
“I think not having a hospital in this community, it means death for a lot of people,” said Patty Snyder, president of Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union Local 550 which represented 120 employees at the hospital. Alecto Healthcare Services, which operated Fairmont, did not respond to a request for comment.
Snyder, one of hundreds of employees laid off due to the closure, worked as a cashier at the hospital for nearly 30 years. “This is going to have a catastrophic effect on this community. In the middle of this pandemic, we don’t have time to wait 20 to 30 minutes for an ambulance to get to us and [then] drive 20 to 30 minutes in either direction to a hospital.”
Alex Hlumyk, a certified medical assistant in Hubbard, Ohio, began his job at a physicians’ practice in a healthcare system owned by a private equity firm eight months ago, but was recently laid off after his practice told him there wasn’t enough money to keep him on the payroll.
Before his layoff, Hlumyk was screening patients for coronavirus and was frustrated he wasn’t offered any guidance on how to continue helping on the frontlines of the pandemic.
“I have the skills to help people during this pandemic and right now I can’t,” said Hlumyk. He filed for unemployment the day he was laid off, but was still awaiting benefit payments to begin, while worrying about being able to pay rent and payments on his car.
“These furloughs make the case that now more than ever our healthcare system should not be for-profit. We are among the most vital workers in the country right now, and there should be no reason that some people on Wall Street should determine the worth of our jobs when thousands upon thousands of lives are at risk.”
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/apr/14/healthcare-job-cuts-coronavirus-worker-layoffs

Americans are paying for health care with more than money

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Americans now spend close to $3 trillion a year for health care, around 18 percent of our GDP. That works out to almost $9,000 per person in Maine, almost twice as much per person as the average for other wealthy nations that provide health care for all their people.
Not only do we pay more, but we pay in far more ways than any other country. Some are obvious. They include health insurance premiums, “out of pocket” co-pays and deductibles, and payments for health care products and services that are not covered by insurance. Out-of-pocket payments are increasing every year as insurers shift more of the rising costs to their customers and employers to their employees.
We also pay in ways that are not so obvious. We all pay federal, state and local taxes to support programs such as Medicare and Medicaid, health care for federal, state and local employees, military personnel, the Veterans Affairs and many others. Since employment-related health insurance is tax exempt, we also pay around $250 billion a year in the form of lost tax revenues, that is then made up by higher taxes on all of us.
Other ways we pay are almost invisible, but we feel them anyway. Workers no longer bargain for increased wages or better working conditions. In a weak economy, any small gains they have made in total compensation have been more than consumed by increases in health care costs. As a result, real wages are declining.
At a recent national health care conference I attended, there was a panel discussion about the effects health care costs on a small central Maine town. Employee health care costs have risen dramatically over recent years. Benefits for the town’s 11 employees now total $18,000 each for a total of almost $200,000. This has forced severe cutbacks in other services such as road maintenance, public safety, libraries, education, and (ironically) emergency medical services. Diminished public services and a deteriorating quality of life is one more way we pay for our health care.
This should come as no surprise. During the past sixty years or so Americans have generously poured money into our health care system through thousands of channels that are individually difficult and collectively impossible to control.
Since Americans view health care as a business, we’ve allowed our health care system to become populated by thousands of profit seeking companies (some nominally nonprofit), each trying to maximize profits and competing for a larger share of an ever-growing pie. Many of these private businesses are heavily subsidized by tax-supported health care programs and tax breaks. So far, we have been unwilling to put any effective restraints around the growth of this huge pot of gold.
This is not a failure of capitalism or corporations, They are simply doing what they are supposed to do — create wealth for their owners. It’s a massive failure of public policy. It’s the fault of all of us, including our political leaders, for failing to put any meaningful constraints around our health care system to keep it affordable for everybody.
The result has been the creation of a gargantuan medical-industrial complex that has become the pac-man of public and private budgets. It is riddled with inefficiency and waste including unjustifiably high prices and excessive use of lucrative services and products, many of them without demonstrated value or downright harmful,.
The Affordable Care Act begins to make some timid efforts at addressing this problem. Nobody I know thinks they will be sufficient. After seven years of “RomneyCare” (after which the Affordable Care Act was patterned), Massachusetts now has almost everybody insured, but it has the highest health care costs of any state in the country. Some public figures there are beginning to suggest moving toward a statewide single-payer system.
As I’ve written before, the market forces the ACA is trying to harness have not, will not and cannot solve this problem. As most other wealthy countries have done, we need to channel the many existing health care revenue streams together into a single funnel with a publicly managed flow-control valve, and then muster the political will to use it. That is what our neighbors in Vermont are now in the process of trying to do.
As one Canadian conference participant put it, “It breaks my heart to see Americans destroying your schools, libraries and public safety to pay for health care.”
It breaks my heart, too. We can do a lot better.

Where’s the outrage over our failed health care system?

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For the next few months we’ll be bombarded by messages from the Obama administration urging people, especially young, healthy people, to sign up for insurance provided under the Affordable Care Act. Without them, premiums for that insurance will soon climb to unaffordable levels.
We’ll also hear plenty of noise from the ACA’s opponents. It will be hard to get any other health policy messages across during the upcoming PR blitz.
But there are some other important and noteworthy things going on in the policy world. Perhaps the most important is the growing interest in the origins of the high costs of medical care in the U.S., now about double that of other wealthy countries.
That interest has been fueled by the ACA. By requiring many Americans to buy private health insurance, the federal government is now obliged to see to it that insurance remains affordable. Whether they are actually able to do so remains to be seen.
Because of that, both government and the lay media have now joined academicians in paying a lot more attention to the costs of medical care in the U.S. and how they compare to those in other countries. That attention was jump-started last March by a Time Magazine article titled “Bitter Pill” by journalist Stephen Brill, who looked at hospital charges and their causes. He concluded that while many of those paying the bills suffered badly from the high costs, those selling health care products and services were prospering, helping to create an island of affluence for themselves and a sea of poverty for everybody else.
That was followed by Medicare’s public release of the prices it was being charged in various regions throughout the country, revealing huge variations without any persuasive explanation as to why these variations should exist.
More recently, the New York Times has published an ongoing series by Elizabeth Rosenthal examining the costs of medical care for various procedures throughout the U.S., and comparing them with those in other countries. So far she has examined three common types of care: colonoscopy, pregnancy and hip replacement. In each case, she found prices in the U.S. were both variable and extremely high by international standards, some up to 10 times the prices for comparable care in other countries. When asked why, one expert commented, “They’re charging these prices because they can.”
In other words, as economist George Akerlof predicted in his Nobel Prize-winning paper “Selling Lemons,” in a market where the sellers have a great deal of information (and therefore power) and the buyers have little or none, the buyers (most of us) are being ripped off big time.
In most countries that have enacted programs of universal health care, two things have taken place. First, health care prices were restrained so as to keep their national programs affordable. Profiteering from illness is not allowed.
Second, the importance of medical care in maintaining a healthy population was put in perspective. Medical care can be very effective in fixing what’s already broken, but not very effective in preventing the breakage in the first place.
What are now called the “social determinants of health” turn out to be much more important than medical care in maintaining a population’s health. They include lifestyle factors such as a healthy diet; exercise; restraint in the use of substances such as alcohol, tobacco and other drugs; and the presence of robust social policies that help minimize excessive disparities of wealth and income within the national population.
Although the ACA does move the ball toward the goal of universal health care, we are still a long way from scoring. It attempts to curb some of the worst abuses of the health insurance industry, but it doesn’t eliminate the incentives to try them anyway. It will leave many people out, and although it makes some efforts to control overall costs and promote healthy living, many experts believe those efforts are inadequate.
As Akerlof predicted, the medical-industrial complex is becoming increasingly corrupt. It is now one of our largest and most profitable industries. Much (but not all) of what it is doing is legal, but it has lost its moorings and is forgetting about its health care mission in the pursuit of profits and growth.
The MBAs have taken over. We are all paying the price.
I don’t blame only the corporate health care providers, pharmaceutical and device manufacturers and insurance industry. After all, they are just doing what they are supposed to do for their “stakeholders” — profit and grow.
I also blame all the rest of us for letting it happen. What we are witnessing is a massive failure of public policy that is not permitted in any other wealthy country. It is being enabled by the timidity of experts in academia and the media, who are paid to be truth-tellers but who until very recently ignored the elephant in the room — rampant corporatism that is subverting the interests of most of the American public and the mission of our health care system. I blame the passivity of a public that consistently permits our politicians to fail to do their jobs to protect our interests.
Where’s the outrage?


Health Care Spending: A 21st Century Gold Rush
by Philip Caper - Bangor Daily News - February 15, 2013

Winston Churchill once remarked, “Americans will always do the right thing, once they’ve exhausted all alternatives.” His observation, at least the second half of it, is proving itself as we continue to struggle with our health care system, especially its out-of-control costs that are crippling the budgets of businesses and government alike.
There is a lot of money in our health care system, and no enforceable budget. That leads to carelessness when it comes to spending that money.
What are some of the reasons health care costs continue to rise? Here are a few examples.
For at least the past 40 years, I’ve heard colleagues say, “We’d better get our fees and charges up now, because next year they’re really going to crack down on us.” It has never happened, yet. The problem is intensifying as outpatient “providers” have morphed from being real people into being corporations.
The Los Angeles Times reported on a case where a teacher’s group health plan was billed $87,500 by an “out of network” provider for a knee procedure that normally costs $3,000. Her health plan was willing to pay it. Outraged, the teacher ratted on the orthopedic surgicenter to California’s attorney general. After the press got involved, the charge was “reduced” to only $15,000. Not a bad pricing strategy, from the surgicenter’s point of view.
A spreadsheet by Robert Burleigh of the charges for his overbilled emergency-room visit, at his home in West Chester, Pennsylvania, September 19, 2012. (Photo: Daniel Rosenbaum / The New York Times)
The New York Times reported an incident where a student who needed emergency gallbladder surgery ended up with a couple of “out-of-network” surgeons through no fault of his own. He was billed $60,000. His insurance company was willing to pay only $2,000. He was left to deal with the rest of the bill on his own.
There are many more examples. Privately insured patients are not the only ones affected. Governors around the country are continuing to struggle with how to pay for their Medicaid programs. In Oregon, Democratic Gov. John Kitzhaber is trying to find ways to impose a fixed budget on Oregon’s Medicaid program without adversely affecting Medicaid beneficiaries. But, he acknowledges, disciplining Medicaid alone will not do the job. He hopes his approach will be adopted by most other health insurance programs.
In Maine, Republican Gov. Paul LePage is struggling not only with how to keep up with burgeoning current Medicaid costs, but also how to pay the state’s almost $500 million past-due Medicaid debt to hospitals. He has proposed lowering liquor prices to boost sales, and mortgaging Maine’s future liquor revenues to secure bonds to pay the debt. His Republican colleagues in the Legislature have described this idea as “creative.”
One of the central features of Obamacare is the creation of “health insurance exchanges,” or online marketplaces. But the law has recognized that many people will need help making the right choices. So it has created an army of “navigators” to help them. A recent Washington Post story points out that a huge number of such experts will be necessary (California alone plans to certify 21,000 of them). Their cost will be reflected in higher health insurance premiums and has sparked opposition from insurance brokers who view them as
competition. That will be an expensive fight, without increasing the amount going to actual health care by a single dollar.
Then there is the purchase of politicians by powerful corporate interests. When the Medicare prescription drug benefit was enacted in 2003, it was prohibited from negotiating lower drug prices, even though the veterans health system and many Medicaid programs are permitted to do so. The lead congressman pushing that provision retired from Congress soon after it was passed to take a lucrative job with the pharmaceutical industry. This has become standard practice in Washington.
And don’t forget the for-profit levels of compensation paid to the executives of nonprofit hospitals.
Meanwhile in Massachusetts, where Obamacare was born, health care costs are expected to rise six to 12 percent next year. Last year, their legislature passed a law capping increases in total private and public spending statewide, limiting them to the rate of growth of the Massachusetts economy. But the job of figuring out how to actually get it done was turfed to an “expert panel” of “stakeholders.” My bet is that such cost control will be difficult or impossible to achieve unless we simplify and centralize the way we finance health care.
Why does this financial abuse of taxpayers and patients continue? Because we let it. Americans often react to structural problems by simply throwing more money at them. We seem to be unable to say “no more.”
Maybe it’s time to revisit the part of Churchill’s comment about Americans always doing the right thing — by emulating the policies of most other wealthy countries. They have health care systems that are more popular than ours, provide better access to care, get better results, and are far less expensive.
Maybe it’s time to put everybody into a single, nonprofit system we can all support, within a budget acceptable to the majority of people. That arrangement would eliminate the political fights among people in different health insurance programs, each questioning change by asking, “How does it benefit me?”
Such a system would be best if done at a national level. But it could work initially at the level of individual states, such as Maine. That’s how the Canadians did it — one province at a time. If Maine could be one of the first states to do that, the people of Maine could truly say “Dirigo, I lead.”
 https://bangordailynews.com/2013/02/14/health/health-care-spending-a-21st-century-gold-rush/
 

How Private-Equity Firms Squeeze Hospital Patients for Profits

 

Friday, April 10, 2020

Health Care Reform Articles - April 10, 2020

The America We Need


How to make the nation more just, less fragile — and more free.
From some of its darkest hours, the United States has emerged stronger and more resilient.
Between May and July 1862, even as Confederate victories in Virginia raised doubts about the future of the Union, Congress and President Abraham Lincoln kept their eyes on the horizon, enacting three landmark laws that shaped the nation’s next chapter: The Homestead Act allowed western settlers to claim 160 acres of public land apiece; the Morrill Act provided land grants for states to fund universities; and the Pacific Railway Act underwrote the transcontinental railroad.
Nearly 75 years later, in the depths of the Great Depression, with jobs in short supply and many Americans reduced to waiting in bread lines, President Franklin Roosevelt proved similarly farsighted. He concluded the best way to revive and sustain prosperity was not merely to pump money into the economy but to rewrite the rules of the marketplace. “Liberty,” Roosevelt said at the Democratic Party’s convention in 1936, “requires opportunity to make a living — a living decent according to the standard of the time, a living which gives man not only enough to live by, but something to live for.” His administration, working with Congress, enshrined the right of workers to bargain collectively, imposed strict rules and regulators on the financial industry, and created Social Security to provide pensions for the elderly and disabled.

This article is part of a Times Opinion series exploring how the nation can emerge from this crisis stronger, fairer and more free. Read the editor’s introductory letter.

The coronavirus pandemic has laid bare once again the incomplete nature of the American project — the great distance between the realities of life and death in the United States and the values enunciated in its founding documents.
Over the past half century, the fabric of American democracy has been stretched thin. The nation has countenanced debilitating decay in its public institutions and a concentration of economic power not seen since the 1920s. While many Americans live without financial security or opportunity, a relative handful of families holds much of the nation’s wealth. Over the past decade, the wealth of the top 1 percent of households has surpassed the combined wealth of the bottom 80 percent.
The present crisis has revealed the United States as a nation in which professional basketball players could be rapidly tested for the coronavirus but health care workers were turned away; in which the affluent could retreat to the safety of second homes, relying on workers who can’t take paid sick leave to deliver food; in which children in lower-income households struggle to connect to the digital classrooms where their school lessons are now supposed to be delivered.
It is a nation in which local officials issuing stay-at-home orders must reckon with the cruel irony that hundreds of thousands of Americans do not have homes. Lacking private places, they must sleep in public spaces. Las Vegas painted rectangles on an asphalt parking lot to remind homeless residents to sleep six feet apart — an act that might as well have been a grim piece of performance art titled “The Least We Can Do.”
It is a nation in which enduring racial inequalities, in wealth and in health, are reflected in the pandemic’s death toll. In Michigan, where the coronavirus hit early and hard, African-Americans make up just 14 percent of the state’s population but 40 percent of the dead. Jason Hargrove, who kept driving a Detroit city bus as the virus spread, posted a Facebook video on March 21 complaining about a female passenger who coughed without covering her mouth. He said he had to keep working, to care for his family. In the video, he told his wife he’d take off his clothes in the front hall when he got home and get right in the shower, so that she stayed safe. Less than two weeks later, he was dead.
The federal government is providing temporary aid to less fortunate Americans, and few have objected to those emergency measures. But already some politicians are asserting that the extraordinary nature of the crisis does not warrant permanent changes in the social contract.
This misapprehends both the nature of crises in general and the particulars of the present emergency. The magnitude of a crisis is determined not just by the impact of the precipitating events but also by the fragility of the system it attacks. Our society was especially vulnerable to this pandemic because so many Americans lack the essential liberty to protect their own lives and the lives of their families.
This nation was ailing long before the coronavirus reached its shores.

A great divide separates affluent Americans, who fully enjoy the benefits of life in the wealthiest nation on earth, from the growing portion of the population whose lives lack stability or any real prospect of betterment.
The hedge-fund billionaire Kenneth Griffin paid $238 million last year for a New York apartment overlooking Central Park. He plans to stay there when he happens to be in town. Meanwhile, 10.9 million American families barely can afford an apartment. They spend more than half of their incomes on rent, and so they scrimp on food and health care. And on any given night, half a million Americans are homeless.
For those at the bottom, moreover, the chances of rising are in decline. By the time they reached 30, more than 90 percent of Americans born in 1940 were earning more than their parents had earned at the same age. But among those born in 1980, only half were earning more than their parents by the age of 30.
The erosion of the American dream is not a result of laziness or a talent drought. Rather, opportunity has slipped away. The economic ladder is harder to climb; real incomes have stagnated for decades even as the costs of housing, education and health care have increased. Many lower-income Americans are born into polluted, impoverished neighborhoods, with no decent jobs to be found.
“By 40, my parents owned a house, had a kid — me — and were both doing well in their careers,” said Melanie Martin-Leff, who works in marketing in Philadelphia. “I’m freelancing, renting, partnerless and childless.”
The inequalities of wealth have become inequalities of health. A middle-aged American in the top fifth of the income distribution can expect to live about 13 years longer than a person of the same age in the bottom fifth — an advantage that has more than doubled since 1980.
These changes have become harder to reverse because the distribution of political power also is increasingly unequal. Our system of democracy is under strain as those with wealth increasingly shape the course of policymaking, acting from self-interest and perhaps also because it has become harder to imagine life on the other side of the divide or to design policy in the common interest.
The wealthy are particularly successful in blocking changes they don’t like. The political scientists Martin Gilens of Princeton and Benjamin Page of Northwestern have calculated that between 1981 and 2002, policies supported by at least 80 percent of affluent voters passed into law about 45 percent of the time, while policies opposed by at least 80 percent of those voters passed into law just 18 percent of the time. Importantly, the views of poor and middle-class voters had little influence.

The fragility of our society and government is the product of deliberate decisions. The modern welfare state was constructed in three great waves:


These policies embodied a broad and muscular conception of liberty: that government should provide all Americans with the freedom that comes from a stable and prosperous life.
“We have come to a clear realization of the fact that true individual freedom cannot exist without economic security and independence,” Roosevelt told the nation in 1944.
The goal, of course, was never realized in full, but since the late 1960s, the federal government has largely abandoned the attempt. The defining trend in American public policy has been to diminish government’s role as a guarantor of personal liberty.
Advocates of a minimalist conception of government claim they too are defenders of liberty. But theirs is a narrow and negative definition of freedom: the freedom from civic duty, from mutual obligation, from taxation. This impoverished view of freedom has in practice protected wealth and privilege. It has perpetuated the nation’s defining racial inequalities and kept the poor trapped in poverty, and their children, and their children’s children.
One of the most important aspects of this retreat was the government’s role in constructing a new residential landscape of economically and racially segregated communities. The government built highways that carried white families to new suburban neighborhoods where minorities often were not allowed to live; it provided mortgage loans that minorities were not allowed to obtain; and even after explicit discrimination was declared illegal, single-family zoning laws continued to exclude low-income families, particularly minorities.
Policymakers tied funding for public services to the prosperity of the new communities, and the Supreme Court blessed the practice in a 1973 ruling, San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez, that allowed differences in school funding based on differences in local property values. The effect was to substitute economic segregation for explicitly racial segregation.
The government similarly enabled growing divisions in the workplace. As the economy shifted from manufacturing to services, corporations — with the help of Congress and local lawmakers — successfully resisted the unionization of new jobs. And the government declined to replace organized labor as the protector of workers in burgeoning sectors like retail and health care.
Companies were not required to provide employees with basic benefits like paid leave, and they were given free rein to claim that many of their full-time workers were actually contractors. The purchasing power of the federal minimum wage has been falling since 1968.
A shift in corporate behavior also harmed workers. Many business leaders rallied around a narrow conception of corporate responsibility, arguing the sole obligation of a corporation was to maximize shareholder returns. Policymakers backed the shift, notably by writing that narrow definition into the laws of Delaware, where many large companies maintain official homes.
The results are clear enough: Executive pay has skyrocketed, and shareholders have enjoyed rising stock prices, at least until recently, while most workers are falling behind. If individual income had kept pace with overall economic growth since 1970, Americans in the bottom 90 percent of the income distribution would be making an extra $12,000 per year, on average. In effect, the extreme increase in inequality means every worker in the bottom 90 percent of the income distribution is sending an annual check for $12,000 to a worker in the top 10 percent.
The idealization of individual action in an open marketplace has had its mirror image in the denigration of collective action through government.
The United States does not guarantee the availability of affordable housing to its citizens, as do most developed nations. It does not guarantee reliable access to health care, as does virtually every other developed nation. The cost of a college education in the United States is among the highest in the developed world. And beyond the threadbare nature of the American safety net, the government has pulled back from investment in infrastructure, education and basic scientific research, the building blocks of future prosperity. It is not surprising many Americans have lost confidence in the government as a vehicle for achieving the things that we cannot achieve alone.
The nation’s hierarchies are starkly visible during periods of crisis. The coronavirus pandemic has necessitated extraordinary sacrifices, but the distribution is profoundly unequal.
The wealthy and famous and politically powerful have laid first claim to the available lifeboats: Senators Richard Burr of North Carolina and Kelly Loeffler of Georgia secured their own fortunes by selling off stock holdings as the virus spread in January and February, even as they reassured the nation that everything was going to be OK; the billionaire David Geffen posted on Instagram that he planned to ride out the crisis on his 454-foot yacht, Rising Sun, adding, “I’m hoping everybody is staying safe”; large corporations lobbied successfully against a proposal to provide paid sick leave to every American worker, pleading they couldn’t afford the cost.
Less affluent Americans will bear the brunt in health and wealth. Already they suffer disproportionately from the diseases of labor like black lung and mesothelioma; the diseases of poverty like obesity and diabetes; and the opioid epidemic that has raged in the communities where opportunity is in short supply. By one estimate, these patterns of poor health mean those at the bottom of the income spectrum are twice as likely to die from Covid-19. Many are losing their jobs; those still working generally cannot do so from the safety of the living room couch. They risk death to obtain the necessities of life.
Children, relatively safe from the coronavirus itself, are in particular danger from the economic fallout. Public schools are one of the great equalizing forces in American life; the shift to online learning means existing inequalities matter more. Millions of children lack reliable internet access. The principal of a high school in Phoenix found three students huddled under a blanket outside the building on a rainy day, using the school’s wireless network to complete their required schoolwork because they could not log in from their homes.
And research shows the impact of economic traumas in childhood are long-lasting. The children of parents who lose work, for example, end up earning less over their own lifetimes.
The crisis has also exposed the federal government’s lack of resources, competence and ambition. The government failed to contain the virus through a program of testing and targeted quarantines; it is struggling to provide states with the medical equipment necessary to help those who fall ill; and instead of moving more aggressively to contain the economic damage, the federal government has allowed companies to lay off millions of workers. The unemployment rate in the United States has most likely already reached the highest level since the Great Depression.
A major reason for the faltering response is a chimerical expectation that markets will perform the work of government. The White House has for the most part refused to mandate or coordinate production of critical medical supplies. Indeed, the federal government has bid against states for available supplies and encouraged states to bid against one another. It is an embrace of markets so extreme it might seem farcical if it wasn’t resulting in unnecessary deaths.
Corporate action and philanthropy certainly have their places, particularly in the short term, given President Trump’s feckless leadership and the tattered condition of the government he heads. But they are poor substitutes for effective stewardship by public institutions. What America needs is a just and activist government. The nature of democracy is that we are together responsible for saving ourselves.
Americans need to recover the optimism that has so often lighted the path forward.

The crucible of a crisis provides the opportunity to forge a better society, but the crisis itself does not do the work. Crises expose problems, but they do not supply alternatives, let alone political will. Change requires ideas and leadership. Nations often pass through the same kinds of crises repeatedly, either unable to imagine a different path or unwilling to walk it.
The worst crises often occur under weak leadership; that is a big part of how an initial problem spirals out of control. Americans had every reason to despair of President James Buchanan’s ability to lead the nation through a civil war, or of President Herbert Hoover’s ability to lead the nation out of the Great Depression. Now, as then, the country is burdened with weak leadership — and it has a chance to replace that leadership, as it did in 1860 and 1932.
There is also a need for new ideas, and the revival of older ideas, about what the government owes the nation’s citizens, what corporations owe employees and what we owe one another.
The multi-trillion-dollar scale of the government’s response to the crisis, for all its flaws and inadequacies, offers a powerful reminder that there is no replacement for an activist state. The political scientist Francis Fukuyama has observed that the nations best weathering the coronavirus pandemic are those like Singapore and Germany, where there is broad trust in government — and where the state merits that confidence. A critical part of America’s post-crisis rebuilding project is to restore the effectiveness of the government and to rebuild public confidence in it.
A major investment in public health would be a fitting place to start.
The larger project, however, is to increase the resilience of American society. Generations of federal policymakers have prioritized the pursuit of economic growth with scant regard for stability or distribution. This moment demands a restoration of the national commitment to a richer conception of freedom: economic security and equality of opportunity. That’s why Times Opinion is publishing this project across the next two months, to envision how to turn the America we have into the America we need.
The purpose of the federal government, Lincoln wrote to Congress on July 4, 1861, was “to elevate the condition of men, to lift artificial burdens from all shoulders, and to give everyone an unfettered start and a fair chance in the race of life.” The Homestead Act in particular was a concrete step in that direction: 10 percent of all the land in the United States was ultimately distributed in 160-acre chunks. But Lincoln’s conception of “everyone” did not include everyone: The Homestead Act rested on the expropriation of Native American lands.
Roosevelt shared Lincoln’s vision of government, but industry had replaced agriculture as the wellspring of prosperity, so he focused on ensuring a more equitable distribution of the nation’s manufacturing output — although African-Americans were treated as second-class citizens in many New Deal programs.
The United States today is in need of new measures to stake all Americans in the modern economy.
To give Americans a fair chance in the race of life, the government must begin from birth. The United States must reclaim the core truth of the Supreme Court’s seminal decision in Brown v. Board of Education: So long as Americans are segregated, their opportunities can never be equal. One of the most important steps the United States can take to ensure all children have the opportunity to thrive is to bulldoze enduring patterns of racial and economic segregation. Zoning laws that limit residential development in the very areas where good jobs are most abundant are one of the most important structural obstacles to a more integrated nation.
Over the course of this project, we will examine other ways to equalize opportunity early in life, and also to restore a healthier balance of power between employers and workers.
One of the clearest lessons of the pandemic is that many employers feel shockingly little obligation to protect the health and welfare of their workers, and workers have been left with little means to organize or resist. Amazon, one of the nation’s largest employers, fired a worker protesting safety conditions at the company’s warehouses on the Orwellian grounds that his protest was itself a safety hazard. A manager at a Uline call center instructed employees not to tell colleagues if they weren’t feeling well because it might cause “unnecessary panic.”
And the nation’s tattered social safety net is in desperate need of reinforcement. Americans need reliable access to health care. Americans need affordable options for child care and for the care of older members of their families, a growing crisis in an aging nation. No one, and especially not children, should ever go hungry. Everyone deserves a place to call home.
Just a little more than a decade ago, Americans lived through a very different kind of crisis — a financial collapse — that exposed similar fragilities in American society. The government’s response was inadequate. The recovery was still underway when the coronavirus arrived, and partly because recovery had come so slowly, America’s political leaders had failed to take advantage of the intervening years to prepare for the inevitability of fresh tests.
The nation cannot afford a repeat performance, particularly as other challenges to our society already loom, most of all the imperative to slow global warming.
The United States has a chance to emerge from this latest crisis as a stronger nation, more just, more free and more resilient. We must seize the opportunity.
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/04/09/opinion/coronavirus-inequality-america.html?action=click&module=Opinion&pgtype=Homepage

The U.S. Approach to Public Health: Neglect, Panic, Repeat

Time to give new life to an old idea: A strong public health system is the best guarantor of good health.
by Jeneen Interlandi - NYT - April 9, 2020

A once-in-a-century public health crisis is unfolding, and the richest country in the world is struggling to mount an effective response. Hospitals don’t have enough gowns or masks to protect doctors and nurses, nor enough intensive care beds to treat the surge of patients. Laboratories don’t have the equipment to diagnose cases quickly or in bulk, and state and local health departments across the country don’t have the manpower to track the disease’s spread. Perhaps worst of all, urgent messages about the importance of social distancing and the need for temporary shutdowns have been muddied by politics.
Nearly all of these problems might have been averted by a strong, national public health system, but in America, no such system exists.
It’s a state of affairs that belies the country’s long public health tradition. Before the turn of the previous century, when yellow fever, tuberculosis and other plagues ravaged the country’s largest cities at regular intervals, public health was generally accepted as a key component of the social contract. Even before scientists identified the microbes that cause such diseases, governments and individuals understood that a combination of leadership, planning and cooperation was needed to keep them at bay. Some of the nation’s oldest public health departments — in Boston, New York and Baltimore — were built on that premise.
By pushing infectious disease outbreaks to the margins, those health departments helped usher in what scientists refer to as the epidemiological transition: the remarkable leveling off of preventable deaths among children and working-age adults. That leveling off continued in the second half of the 20th century, as new federal laws ensured the protection of food, air and water from contamination, and national campaigns brought the scourges of nicotine addiction and sexually transmitted infections under control.
So great was the effect of these public health measures that by the time the century turned again, life expectancy in the United States had risen sharply, from less than 50 years to nearly 80. “Public health is the best bang for our collective buck,” Tom Frieden, a former director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, told me. “It has consistently saved the most lives for the least amount of money.”
One would never guess as much today. Across the same century that saw so many public health victories, public health itself fell victim to larger forces.
“It was like a great forgetting took place,” Wendy Parmet, a public health law scholar at Northeastern University, told me. “As the memory of epidemics faded, individual rights became much more important than collective responsibility.” And as medicine grew more sophisticated, health began to be seen as purely a personal matter.
Health care spending grew by 52 percent in the past decade, while the budgets of local health departments shrank by as much as 24 percent, according to a 2019 report from the public health nonprofit Trust for America’s Health, and the C.D.C.’s budget remained flat. Today, public health claims just 3 cents of every health dollar spent in the country.
The results of that imbalance were apparent long before Covid-19 began its march across the globe. Local health departments eliminated more than 50,000 jobs — epidemiologists, laboratory technicians, public information specialists — between 2008 and 2017. That’s nearly 23 percent of their total work force.
Crucial programs — including ones that provide vaccinations, test for sexually transmitted infections and monitor local food and water supplies — have been trimmed or eliminated. As a result, several old public health foes have returned: Measles and syphilis are both resurgent, as is nicotine consumption among teenagers and the contamination of food and water with bacteria and lead.
Each of these crises has received its own flurry of outrage, but none of them have been enough to break what experts say is the nation’s default public health strategy: neglect, panic, repeat.
“We ignore the public health sector unless there’s a major catastrophe,” said Scott Becker, the head of the Association for Public Health Laboratories. “Then we throw a pile of money at the problem. Then we rescind that money as soon as the crisis abates.”
There is a better way.
Imagine a public health system in which all public health entities used the same cutting edge technology in their laboratories and on their computers. This would include equipment that enables rapid diagnostic tests to be developed and deployed quickly in a crisis; web portals where data on disease spread, hospital capacity and high-risk communities can be logged and shared across the country; and user-friendly apps that enable private citizens to facilitate the efforts of epidemiologists.
The technology to create such a system already exists — it only has to be adapted and implemented.
That, of course, requires investment. In 2019, a consortium of public health organizations lobbied the federal government for $1 billion to help the nation’s public health system modernize its data infrastructure. They were granted $50 million. In the wake of Covid-19, that sum has been increased to $500 million. But much more is needed. There is a $5.4 billion gap between current public health spending and the cost of modernizing public health infrastructure, according to the Trust for America’s Health report.
However much money is ultimately allotted for this work, it will have to be deployed equitably, in high-income and low-income communities alike. Health departments everywhere are struggling to contain the Covid-19 pandemic, but that struggle is particularly acute in marginalized communities, where health is already fragile, public health departments are sometimes nonexistent and mistrust of officials tends to run high.
Early data from several states indicates that Hispanics and African-Americans already account for a disproportionately high number of coronavirus-related deaths, a finding that is both unsurprising and unacceptable. A better system would direct federal aid to where it’s needed most — and would work to eradicate legacies of injustice and abuse that mar the history of public health victories.
Of course, none of these changes will help if the underlying system is not grounded in and guided by rigorous, apolitical science. Public health agencies were created precisely because the decisions required to stop a pandemic in its tracks, or protect the nation’s food supply, or keep measles at bay were considered too difficult and too important to be swayed by politics.
The vision for public health reform is not especially complicated or expensive. But it is bold — and it will require boldness from every corner of the country.
Politicians will have to incorporate public health into their priorities; they might start by making “Public Health for All” as urgent a rallying cry as any concerning health insurance. Universal access to health care is a human right, but it will not protect us from the next pandemic — or clean water crisis, for that matter.
Captains of industry will have to commit acts of genuine altruism, because not all of the innovations needed to build a modern public health system will be clearly lucrative. If you’re making a fortune out of cornering the market on ventilators, for example, designing a cheaper, easier-to-make version of your product might sound like bad business. Likewise, developing vaccines and antibiotics may seem like a risky investment compared with the prospect of another million-dollar cancer drug. But when the next pandemic threat arrives, millions of lives — not to mention the entire global economy — may depend on exactly these things.
Mind-sets will have to change, too. A society that prizes individual liberty above all else is bound to treat health as a private matter. But if Covid-19 has taught us anything, it’s that our health and safety depend on collective action. That’s what public health is all about.
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/04/09/opinion/coronavirus-public-health-system-us.html?action=click&module=Top%20Stories&pgtype=Homepage
Medicare for Each of Us in the Age of the Coronavirus
The U.S. public—and increasingly the business community—are becoming acutely aware of the rising costs and inadequacies of our current for-profit system, particularly as the current epidemic unfolds. There is no other choice but Medicare for All.

by Peter Arno and Philip Caper - Common Dreams - April 3, 2020

Over the past two weeks, the explosive growth of the coronavirus pandemic has forced nearly 10 million Americans to file for unemployment benefits. Along with their jobs, many have lost their health insurance, if they had any to begin with. Aside from possibly spelling disaster for these newly unemployed workers and their families, this situation puts both the public health and economic wellbeing of our country at great risk. A clearer rationale for universal, affordable, lifetime health coverage as exemplified under a Medicare For All framework would be hard to find.
In this article we outline the need for a universal health plan, its historical context, and the obstacles raised by the medical-industrial complex that must be overcome.
There is a large elephant in the room in the national discussion of Medicare for All: the transformation of the US health care system’s core mission from the prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of illness—and the promotion of healing—to an approach dominated by large, publicly traded corporate entities dedicated to growing profitability and share price, that is, the business of medicine.
The problem is not that these corporate entities are doing something they shouldn’t. They are simply doing too much of what they were created to do—generate wealth for their owners. Unlike any other wealthy country, we let them do it. The dilemma of the US health care system is due not to a failure of capitalism or corporatism per se, but a failure to implement a public policy that adequately constrains their excesses.
"How is it that we spend more on health care than any other nation, yet have arrived at such a sorry state of affairs?"
Since the late 1970s, US public policy regarding health care has trended toward an increasing dependence on for-pofit corporations and their accompanying reliance on the tools of the marketplace—such as competition, consolidation, marketing, and consumer choice—to expand access and assure quality in the provision of medical care.
This commercialized, commodified, and corporatized model is driving the US public’s demand for fundamental reform and has elevated the issue of health care to the top of the political agenda in the current presidential election campaign.
Costs have risen relentlessly, and the quality of and access to care for many Americans has deteriorated. The cultural changes accompanying these trends have affected every segment of the US health care system, including those that remain nominally not-for-profit. Excessive focus on health care as a business has had a destructive effect on both patients and caregivers, leading to increasing difficulties for many patients in accessing care and to anger, frustration, and burnout for many caregivers, especially those attempting to provide critical primary care.
As a result, the ranks of primary care providers have eroded, and that erosion continues. One of the major reasons for burnout in this group is the clash between its members’ professional ethics (put the patient first and “first do no harm”) and the profit-oriented demands of their corporate employers. Applying Band-Aids can’t cure the underlying causes of disease in medicine or public policy. Ignoring the underlying pathology in public policy, as in clinical medicine, is destined to fail.
Many of the symptoms of our dysfunctional health care system are not in dispute:
We must therefore ask: How is it that we spend more on health care than any other nation, yet have arrived at such a sorry state of affairs?
"The theology of the market and the strongly held—but mistaken—belief that the problems of US health care can be solved if only the market could be perfected have effectively obstructed the development of a rational, efficient, and humane national health care policy."The answer is that only in the United States has corporatism engulfed so much of medical care and come so close to dominating the doctor-patient relationship. Publicly traded, profit-driven entities—under constant pressure from Wall Street—control the financing and delivery of medical care in the US to an extent seen nowhere else in the world. For instance, seven investor-owned publicly traded health insurers now control almost a trillion dollars ($913 billion) of total national health care spending and cover half the US population. In 2019, their revenue increased by 31 percent, while their profits grew by 66 percent.
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The corporatization of medical care may be the single most distinguishing characteristic of the modern US health care system and the one that has had the most profound impact on it since the early 1980s. The theology of the market and the strongly held—but mistaken—belief that the problems of US health care can be solved if only the market could be perfected have effectively obstructed the development of a rational, efficient, and humane national health care policy.
There are three main reasons to pursue a public policy that embraces genuine health care reform:
  1. Saving lives: To simplify our complex and confusing health care system while providing universal affordable health care coverage;
  2. Affordability: To rein in the relentless rise in health care costs that are cannibalizing private and public budgets; and
  3. Improving quality: To eliminate profitability and share price as the dominant and all-consuming mission of the entities that provide health care services and products when that mission influences clinical decision making. Profitability should be the servant of any health care system’s mission, not its master as seems to be increasingly the case in the US.

What Is The Best Approach To Reform? 

It is not an exaggeration to say that no reform other than publicly financed, single-payer universal health care will solve the problems of our health care system. This is true whether we are talking about a public option, a Medicare option, Medicare buy-in, Medicare extra, or any other half-measure. The main reason is because of the savings that are inherent only in a truly universal single-payer plan. Specifically, the administrative and bureaucratic savings gained by eliminating private insurers are the largest potential source of savings in a universal single-payer framework, yet all the “option” reforms listed above leave largely intact the tangle of wasteful, inefficient, and costly private commercial health insurers. The second largest source of savings comes through reducing the cost of prescription drugs by using the negotiating leverage of the federal government to bring down prices, as is done in most other developed countries. The ability, will, and policy tools (such as global budgeting) to restrain these and other costs in a single-payer framework are the key to reining in the relentless rise in health care expenditures and providing universal coverage.
"The real struggle for a universal single-payer system in the US is not technical or economic but almost entirely political."The various “option” reform proposals will not simplify our confusing health care system nor will they lead to universal coverage. None have adequate means to restrain health care costs. So why go down this road? Is it too difficult for the US to guarantee everyone access to affordable care when every other developed country in the world has done so?
The stated reason put forth in favor of these mixed option approaches is that Americans want “choice.” But choice of what? We know with certainty from former insurance company executives such as Wendell Potter that the false “choice” meme polls well with the US public and was used to undermine the Clinton reform efforts more than 25 years ago. It is being widely used today to manipulate public opinion.
But choice in our current system is largely an illusion. In 2019, 67.8 million workers across the country separated from their job at some point during the year—either through layoffs, terminations, or switching jobs. This labor turnover data leaves little doubt that people with employer-sponsored insurance are losing their insurance constantly, as are their spouses and children. And even for those who stay at the same job, insurance coverage often changes. In 2019, more than half of all firms offering health benefits reported shopping for a new health plan and, among those, nearly 20 percent actually changed insurance carriers. Trading off choice of doctors or hospitals for choice of insurance companies is a bad bargain.
The other major objection to a universal single-payer program is cost. Yet, public financing for health care is not a matter of raising new money for health care but of reducing total health care outlays and distributing payments more equitably and efficiently. Nearly every credible study concludes that a single-payer universal framework, with all its increased benefits, would be less costly than the status quo, more effective in restraining future cost increases, and more popular with the public—as 50 years of experience with Medicare has demonstrated.
The status quo generates hundreds of billions of dollars in surplus and profits to private stakeholders, who need only spend a small portion (millions of dollars) to influence legislators, manipulate public opinion, distort the facts, and obfuscate the issues with multiple competing reform efforts.

Conclusion

The real struggle for a universal single-payer system in the US is not technical or economic but almost entirely political. Retaining the status quo (for example, the Affordable Care Act) is the least disruptive course for the existing medical-industrial complex, and therefore the politically easiest route. Unfortunately, the status quo is disruptive to the lives of most Americans and the least effective route in attacking the underlying pathology of the US health care system—corporatism run amok. Following that route will do little more than kick the can down the road, which will require repeatedly revisiting the deficiencies in our health care system outlined above until we get it right.
The US public and increasingly the business community are becoming acutely aware of the rising costs and inadequacies of our current system, particularly as the current epidemic unfolds. It is the growing social movement, which rejects the false and misleading narratives, that will lead us to a universal single-payer system—truly the most effective way to reform our health care system for the benefit of the American people.

Pharmaceutical Profits and Public Health Are Not Incompatible

We need the capital and creativity of the private sector to take on the coronavirus.

The rapid spread of the coronavirus has revived a decades-old debate over pharmaceutical policy, with both sides doubling down on long-held views. Advocates for broader drug access insist that pharmaceutical companies must not be allowed to reap large profits from Covid-19 vaccines and treatments. Free-market true believers — including officials in the Trump administration — argue that pharmaceutical businesses must be allowed to set prices beyond some patients’ reach.
This either-or choice was always a false framing. And as the Covid-19 crisis tragically illustrates, it’s a dangerous one too. Patient advocates need to acknowledge that pharmaceutical companies aren’t the enemy — the virus is. But it’s equally urgent for free-marketers to recognize that with government help, we can reward businesses for groundbreaking innovations without sacrificing poorer patients along the way.
The latest flare-up in this battle began even before the first recorded Covid-19 death in the United States. At a Feb. 26 hearing, Representative Jan Schakowsky, Democrat of Illinois, pressed Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar to pledge that any Covid-19 vaccine or treatment would “be affordable for anyone who needs it.” Mr. Azar refused, saying “we can’t control that price because we need the private sector to invest.”
Predictably, Mr. Azar’s statement set off fireworks on Capitol Hill. Congressional Democrats called on him to reverse his stance. Representative Schakowsky demanded that Mr. Azar “not allow any pharmaceutical manufacturer to set a price” for a Covid-19 vaccine that “would cause private insurers to raise premiums or further exacerbate the federal deficit.”
As the death toll from Covid-19 began to mount, the push to limit returns to pharmaceutical companies at the cutting edge of coronavirus research only intensified. Gilead Sciences, a California-based biotechnology company whose antiviral drug remdesivir has emerged as a potential Covid-19 treatment, soon became a target.
On March 23, the Food and Drug Administration granted Gilead’s request to designate remdesivir as an “orphan” drug. A drug qualifies as an orphan if it treats a disease affecting fewer than 200,000 people in the United States at the time of the application, even if the disease becomes more widespread. The number of Covid-19 diagnoses in the United States fell well below that threshold at the time Gilead applied and when the F.D.A. designated the drug an orphan.
An orphan designation would have kept generic remdesivir off the market until 2027 unless the F.D.A. determined that Gilead could not meet demand for the drug. But remdesivir is covered by Gilead patents that do not expire until at least 2035, so this benefit is largely duplicative of what Gilead already enjoys under patent law. More immediately, an orphan designation would have allowed Gilead to claim tax credits for 25 percent of clinical trial expenses — a benefit potentially in the range of $40 million.
Although $40 million is a drop in the bucket compared with Covid-19’s social costs, politicians balked. Senator Bernie Sanders called Gilead’s application for orphan status “truly outrageous” — a day before he voted for a stimulus package with more than $50 billion in grants and low-interest loans to airlines. The consumer-rights advocacy group Public Citizen and 50 other organizations denounced Gilead’s use of “a loophole in the law to profiteer off a deadly pandemic.” The backlash quickly led Gilead to withdraw its request.
Ours is not the only country where Covid-19 has unleashed efforts to stamp out pharmaceutical profits. Last month, the Geneva-based Doctors Without Borders broadly called for “no patents or profiteering on drugs, tests or vaccines” for Covid-19. That campaign followed efforts by Canada, Israel, Germany and 33 members of the European Parliament to limit or override patents for drugs directed at the virus.
These drives to scale back patent protection for Covid-19 vaccines and treatments are motivated by a noble objective: to ensure that lifesaving drugs will be broadly affordable. But the unintended consequences are worrisome. The smaller the rewards for coronavirus drugs, the less that pharmaceutical businesses are likely to invest in research and development. Not only will that extend the current crisis, but it also will deter drugmakers from pursuing research directed at potential future pandemic-causing virus strains.
This doesn’t mean that governments must make a choice between ensuring patient access and encouraging drug development. With creative policymaking and political will, we can — and ought to have — both.
Governments can offer strong incentives to drugmakers while ensuring affordability by committing to patent buyouts for effective treatments. In a buyout, the government purchases the patents on a new drug — typically at a price that matches or exceeds what the patent holder otherwise would have earned — and then allows makers of generics to produce and sell low-cost versions. If, for example, clinical trials establish the efficacy of remdesivir in treating Covid-19, then the federal government should buy the U.S. rights to the drug from Gilead and give generic manufacturers free rein to ramp up production.
How much should the government pay? If remdesivir saves 10,000 American lives, then its value to our society — using traditional tools of cost-benefit analysis — would be as much as $100 billion. For a fraction of that sum, H.H.S. could buy the drug rights from Gilead and still leave the company with an eye-popping profit. Unfortunately, the $2 trillion Covid-19 stimulus package passed last month included only $11 billion that H.H.S. can use for patent buyouts, and the department will most likely need to draw down some of those funds for other purposes, like procuring diagnostic tests and purchasing other medical equipment. Mr. Azar’s department needs more money for patent buyouts.
Another time-tested tool for rewarding innovation while ensuring widespread access to new technologies is a “challenge prize.” We have proposed a prize for an effective coronavirus vaccine of $500 per vaccinated person, with the federal government footing the full bill. That almost certainly would make a Covid-19 vaccine profitable — potentially one of the most profitable drugs in history.
Patent buyouts and challenge prizes would of course add to the federal deficit — something that Representative Schakowsky, for one, said she was unwilling to do if it meant drugmakers would profit. But with Covid-19 already shutting down the economy and stealing thousands of lives, cutting costs on drugs directed at the disease is the very definition of penny-wise and pound-foolish. Worse yet, if we refuse to offer generous rewards for vaccines and treatments this time, we will find fewer pharmaceutical companies willing to invest in vaccines and treatments that address threats likely to emerge or return, such as the Zika virus, Dengue fever and new types of influenza.
None of this is to suggest that the only way to spur innovation is to dangle large payouts in the faces of pharmaceutical businesses. Reputational incentives and altruistic inclinations will lead some companies to pursue Covid-19 cures. Scientists employed by government agencies and academic institutions will make major breakthroughs too.
But to contain Covid-19 now and sustain a pipeline of drugs directed at other infections with pandemic potential, we will almost certainly need to enlist the capital and creativity of the private sector. We don’t need to compromise patient access, but we will need to promise profits to businesses that develop effective vaccines and treatments. Among all the costs that we as a society will bear because of this virus and later ones, the payout to pharmaceutical companies will be a rounding error.
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/04/08/opinion/coronavirus-drug-company-profits.html